New Brunswick History and Other Stuff

Table of Contents, Rev. November 15, 2017

with 2 comments

This blog will continue to grow, but following is a table of contents so far from the top:

  1. Harvey, New Brunswick, 1837 – Nov. 15, 2017
  2. On the Road to Responsible Government in New Brunswick – Nov. 8, 2017
  3. Through the Woods in the Dead of Winter; Fredericton to the Miramichi – Nov. 5, 2017
  4. Acadia in 1720, as Seen by Paul Mascerene – Oct. 25, 2017
  5. Nova Scotia’s Sham Government in 1720 – Oct. 18, 2017
  6. Three Short Wabanaki Thunder Stories – Oct. 11, 2017
  7. Stanley, N.B., Carved from the Wilderness – in a Hurry – Oct. 4, 2017
  8. Drunkenness Yearly More Common Amongst all Classes – Sept. 27, 2017
  9. John Cabot, London Superstar and Discoverer of Cape Breton – Sept. 20, 2017
  10. Nicolas Denys, the First Proprietor and Governor of all of the Gulf Coast of Acadia – Sept. 13, 2017
  11. Promoting New Brunswick in 1832 – Sept. 6, 2017
  12. A View of Acadian History, from 30,000 Feet – Aug. 30, 2017
  13. Nova Scotia During the Revolution, an American Perspective – Aug. 23, 2017
  14. The Many Trials of Richard Valpey of Yarmouth, and his Service to the American Cause During the Revolution – Aug. 16, 2017
  15. From Saint John to Annapolis Royal, Around the Bay of Fundy in 1787 – Aug. 9, 2017
  16. Nova Scotia in 1775: “Every Spot is Inhospitable and Frigid” – Aug. 2, 2017
  17. Notes About Edward Cornwallis, Who Has Been in the News Lately – July 26, 2017
  18. Starving, Fly-Bitten, and Lost in the Woods – July 19, 2017
  19. Saint John and Saint George, New Brunswick, in 1842 – July 12, 2017
  20. The Razing of Chignecto, and the Attack on Fort Nashwaak – July 5, 2017
  21. Captain Henry Mowat’s Account of the Battle on the Penobscot – June 28, 2017
  22. Voyage of the First Fleet of 1783, and the Settlement of Kingston by a Band of Loyalists – June 21, 2017
  23. 1,500 Dead in Saint John. The Cholera Epidemic of 1854 – June 14, 2017
  24. Fishing on the Nepisiquit River in the 1870’s – June 7, 2017
  25. The Clock at Fredericton City Hall – May 31, 2017
  26. Prohibition in Saint John in the 1920’s, an Exposé – May 24, 2017
  27. Boss Gibson’s First Railroad – May 17, 2017
  28. The New Brunswick Postal Service in 1856 – May 10, 2017
  29. Defending the ‘Worthless, Unsteady and Villainous’ Cutters of Wood – May 3, 2017
  30. Tossed by the Sea Into a Frozen Wilderness-1788 – Apr. 26, 2017
  31. The King of France Cannot Have Given You Our Land, Because it Was Not His – Apr. 19, 2017
  32. Bureaucracy and the Expulsion of the Acadians – Apr. 12, 2017
  33. From Pictou, Nova Scotia to Saint John, New Brunswick via Charlottetown and Shediac in 1867 – Apr. 5, 2017
  34. A Sunday EXTRA: No Meeting of Minds Between the Acadians and the British in 1717 – Apr. 2, 2017
  35. Grand Falls, New Brunswick in 1844 – A Vast Ocean of Trees – Mar. 29, 2017
  36. Shabby Streets, Decaying Houses, and Steep Plank Sidewalks. Saint John in 1874 – Mar. 22, 2017
  37. In the Beginning – Wabanaki Creation Stories – Mar. 15, 2017
  38. Pride versus Rascals and Villains in Saint John in 1791 – Mar. 8, 2017
  39. The Trent Affair – Mar. 1, 2017
  40. A Shocking Description of Anti-Confederates in Rural Nova Scotia in 1867 – Feb. 22, 2017
  41. Surveying Through the Wilderness in 1844 – Feb. 15, 2017
  42. At the Bend of the Petitcodiac in 1844: Moncton – Feb. 8, 2017
  43. Maria Rye and Her British Home Children – Feb. 1, 2017
  44. New Brunswick’s East Coast in 1832, Following the Miramichi Fire – Jan. 25, 2017
  45. Slavery in the Loyalist Era – Jan. 18, 2017
  46. Weather and the Seasons in Micmac Mythology – Jan. 11, 2017
  47. New Brunswick’s Roads in 1832: ‘Many paths are misnamed roads’. Jan. 7, 2017
  48. Nova Scotia and New England During the Revolution – Dec. 28, 2016
  49. A Holiday Special: Christmas as it Was in Saint John in 1808 – Dec. 23, 2016
  50. Expressions from Cuffer Down plus Signs and Omens – Dec. 21, 2016
  51. From Passamaquoddy to the Petitcodiac: What it Was Like in 1832 – Dec. 14, 2016
  52. Raymond Writes About the Lives and Customs of the Mi’kmaq and Maliseet People – Dec. 7, 2016
  53. The Governor’s House was an Outrage to Good Taste – Fredericton in 1832 – Nov. 30, 2016
  54. An Unparalleled and Abominable Deception – Nov. 23, 2016
  55. Not a Metropolis, but the Largest Town in the Province – Saint John in 1832 – Nov. 16, 2016
  56. Lumber Camp Life, and Game-Wardens Poaching Moose – Nov. 9, 2016
  57. Louisbourg: It Didn’t Have to Happen. It Just Didn’t Have to Happen – Nov. 2, 2016
  58. Let Us Consider the Lowly Seagull – Oct. 26, 2016
  59. 5 – David Kennedy Completes His Travels of 1876 in Halifax – Oct. 19, 2016
  60. 4 – David Kennedy’s Tour of Nova Scotia in 1876 – Oct. 12, 2016
  61. 3 – David Kennedy’s Tour of Newcastle, Chatham and Bathurst in 1876 – Oct. 5, 2016
  62. 2 – David Kennedy’s Visit to Saint John, New Brunswick in 1876 – Sept. 28, 2016
  63. 1 – David Kennedy’s Travels from Quebec City to New Brunswick in 1876 – Sept. 21, 2016 (This blog posting was lost on Sept. 28th. I decided not to re-post, since it would clutter my subscribers’ screens.)
  64. A Short History of Early English Nova Scotia – Sept. 14, 2016
  65. Fish Wardens Described as Useless Political Appointments – Sept. 7, 2016
  66. With Indian Guides in the Wilds of New Brunswick, 1862 – Aug. 31, 2016
  67. Blog past #300: Port Royal from 1604 to 1613. Of Heritage Value to all North Americans – Aug. 24, 2016
  68. Hunting Down the Last of the Old Growth Pine – Aug. 17, 2016
  69. Dr. James Robb – Aug. 10, 2016
  70. Peace Negotiations With Pierre Tomah on the Saint John River – Aug. 3, 2016
  71. Business Opportunities on Campobello Island – July 27, 2016
  72. A Pompous Captain on the Evils of Logging – July 20, 2016
  73. The Too-Easy Life of Nova Scotians Disproved – July 13, 2016
  74. Why Not to Marry a Nova Scotia Woman, and How to Make Maple Sugar – July 6, 2016
  75. The Bloody Assault on Fort Louisbourg in 1758 – June 29, 2016
  76. The Medical Men of Saint John in its First Half Century – June 22, 2016
  77. Henry Ketchum and the Chignecto Marine Transport Railway – June 15, 2016
  78. A War Journal from Majabidwaduce on the Penobscot – June 8, 2016
  79. Mi’kmaq Magic and Medicine – June 1, 2016
  80. Thomas Wood, and His Visit to the Saint John River in 1769 – May 25, 2016
  81. The Northern Colonies: Languishing in Mediocrity – ca 1804 – May 18, 2016
  82. Fredericton’s Victoria Cottage Hospital – May 11, 2016
  83. The Passamaquoddy Wampum Records – May 4, 2016
  84. Slog on, or Die – Apr. 27, 2016
  85. Changes Nova Scotia Underwent from Discovery to 1758 When the First General Assembly Met in Halifax – Apr. 20, 2016
  86. The Disastrous Winter on St. Croix Island, 1604-05, and Other Adventures – Apr. 13, 2016
  87. Missions to the Mi’kmaq and Maliseet in the Early 1800’s – Apr. 6, 2016
  88. It Sounded Like a Residential School Philosophy – Mar. 30, 2016
  89. The Acadian Fugitives – Mar. 23, 2016
  90. Giddy, Eccentric, and Discontented Characters, or Misguided Souls, or Turncoats? – Mar. 16, 2016
  91. Indian Routes of Travel in New Brunswick – Mar. 9, 2016
  92. Historic Sites from the English Period on the Saint John River – Mar. 2, 2016
  93. How to Hunt a Moose, a Goose, and a Caribou in New Brunswick in 1791 – Feb. 24, 2016
  94. William Hubbard Complains to Edward Winslow about the Congregationalists in Sheffield – Feb. 17, 2016
  95. Good Fences Make Good Neighbours – Feb. 10, 2016
  96. WE NEED THE ACADIANS TO REMAIN: Lieut Governor, 1715 – Feb. 2, 2015
  97. Guy Carleton on the Fur Trade in Canada, 1767 – Jan. 27, 2016
  98. A Letter on Irish Immigrants – Jan. 20, 2016
  99. The Wreck of the ‘Lord Ashburton’ – Jan. 13, 2016
  100. A Ghost at Noonday – Jan. 6, 2016
  101. Silas Rand on the Mi’kmaq People – Part 3: Will Not the Bright Sun and the Blue Heavens Testify Against Us? – Dec. 30, 2015
  102. Silas Rand on the Mi’kmaq People – Part 2: To Every Thing There is a Season – Dec. 23, 2015
  103. Silas Rand on the Mi’kmaq People – Part 1: All Men From One Blood – Dec. 16, 2015
  104. Limits to the Royal Bounty – Dec. 9, 2015
  105. Nova Scotia, a Receptacle for Superfluous People? – Dec. 1, 2015
  106. From New Ireland to New Brunswick – Nov. 25, 2015
  107. The Most Gentlemanlike Government on Earth – Nov. 18, 2015
  108. I Love You for Your Plainness – Nov. 11, 2015
  109. Ward Chipman Remembers the Final Evacuation of New York – Nov. 4, 2015
  110. A Reply to “Men of Honor and Probity Run Amok” – Oct. 28, 2015
  111. A Century of Educational Progress in New Brunswick from 1800 to 1900 – Oct. 21, 2015
  112. Notes About the Earliest Public Markets in Saint John, New Brunswick – Oct. 14, 2015
  113. The Provincial Dairy School at Sussex, New Brunswick, 1900 – Oct. 7, 2015
  114. An Account of Nova Scotia in 1743 – Sept. 30, 2015
  115. The Petition of the Infamous 55 – Sept. 23, 2015
  116. Francis Sharpe’s Woodstock Apples – Sept. 16, 2015
  117. The Expulsion of the Acadians, a Military Surgeon’s Diary – Sept. 9, 2015
  118. The New Brunswick Election of 1785 – Sept. 2, 2015
  119. The Many Fires in Saint John, 1784-1877 – Aug. 26, 2015
  120. A Proposal for an Attack on N0va Scotia – Aug. 19, 2015
  121. Fredericton’s Great Flood of 1936 – Aug. 12, 2015
  122. A Letter about the Acadians and the Expulsion – Aug. 5, 2015
  123. Saint John in 1834, Before it was Forever Changed by the Great Fire – July 29, 2015
  124. New Brunswick, No Country for a Mere Gentleman, 1834 – July 22, 2015
  125. Woodstock, the Only Village Between the Green River and Fredericton in 1834 – July 15, 2015
  126. On the Tamiscouta Prtage from Lake Tamiscouta to just above Grand Falls, 1834 – July 10, 2015
  127. Men of Honor and Probity Run Amok – July 1, 2015
  128. By Steamer to the So-Called City of Fredericton – June 24, 2014
  129. A Quiet and Business-Like Little City – June 17, 2015
  130. Rambles Among the Bluenoses in 1862 – June 10, 2015
  131. Edward John Russell, a New Brunswick Artist – June 3, 2015
  132. Provincial Lunatic Asylum, Report of the Medical Superintendent, 1875 – May 27, 2015
  133. The Saint John River and Port Royal in the Early 1600’s – May 20, 2015
  134. What Should We Think of Benedict Arnold? – May 13, 2015
  135. Diphtheria in New Brunswick in the Year 1889 – May 6, 2015
  136. The Official Account of the Destruction of Burnt Church – Apr. 29, 2015
  137. The Exchange Coffee House and Saint John’s First Club – Apr. 22, 2015
  138. The Wigwams and Dwellings of the Gaspesians – Apr. 15, 2015
  139. The Story of Brook Watson – Apr. 8, 2015
  140. Where Stood Fort LaTour? – Apr. 1, 2015
  141. Things This Morning Really Wear the Aspect of War – Mar. 25, 2015
  142. At Portland Point – Mar. 18, 2015
  143. Electrical Power From the Reversing Falls – Mar. 10, 2015
  144. Father Rale’s War – 1722-25; How it Ended – Mar. 4, 2015
  145. What Was the Big Deal About the Marco Polo? – Feb. 25, 2015
  146. Grand Manan to Petitcodiac, in 1786 – Feb. 18, 2015
  147. A Trip From St. John to Fredericton in 1870 – Feb. 11, 2015
  148. A Tour of St. John, N.B., in 1870 – Feb. 4, 2015
  149. Destruction by Fire of the First Cathedral in Chatham – Jan. 28, 2015
  150. Burgan the Burglar – Jan. 21, 2015
  151. Facts and Reasons Against Confederating With Canada – Jan. 14, 2015
  152. Discontent in Early Halifax in 1756 – Jan. 7, 2015
  153. A Trip on the ICR From Bathurst to Miramichi – Dec. 31, 2014
  154. Early Attempts to Introduce the Cultivation of Hemp in Eastern British America – Dec. 24, 2014
  155. Touring Campbellton and Dalhousie, Despite the Mosquitoes, 1876 – Dec. 19, 2014
  156. The Fire of 1837 in Saint John – Dec. 10, 2014
  157. The Cruise of the Rechab – Dec. 3, 2014
  158. A Night in the Deep – Nov. 26, 2014
  159. Robert Foulis (A Misplaced Genius) – Nov. 19, 2014
  160. The City Mills – Nov. 15, 2014
  161. The Brothers d’Amours – Nov. 5, 2014
  162. John Allan’s Revolutionary Mission to the Saint John River – Oct. 29, 2014
  163. Relics of the Acadian Period – Oct. 22, 2014
  164. Some Odd Old Advertisements – Oct. 15, 2014
  165. The Miramichi Fire – Relief of the Sufferers – Oct. 8, 2014
  166. Jonathan Eddy’s Account of the Attack on Fort Cumberland, November, 1776 – Oct. 1, 2014
  167. Which of These Two is the Wisest and Happiest? – Sept. 24, 2014
  168. Fredericton Bridge, a Prophetic Writing – Sept. 17, 2014
  169. A Speech to Distinguished Persons of Stake and Consideration – Sept. 10, 2014
  170. Building an Education System From Almost Nothing – Sept. 3, 2014
  171. Cape Tormentine to the Baye des Chaleurs in the 1600’s – Aug. 27, 2014
  172. The Customs of the Mi’kmaq in the 1600’s and Before – Aug. 20, 2014
  173. Two Documents Relating to the Fenians in New Brunswick – Aug. 13, 2014
  174. The Lazaretto for Lepers in Tracadie, 1862 – Aug. 6, 2014
  175. Thoughts About the Augustine Mound at Metepenegiag Mi’kmaq Nation – July 30, 2014
  176. What am I Bid for This Pauper? – July 23, 2014
  177. Trouble at Madawaska, 1831 – July 16, 2014
  178. The Great Fire at Saint John, June 20, 1877 – July 9, 2014
  179. The Poor Fellows Shook as if They Would Fall to Pieces! – July 2, 2014
  180. How to Build a Logging Camp in Around 1850 – June 25, 2014
  181. Risen from the Ashes, Phoenix Square in Fredericton – June 18, 2014
  182. Rocks and Water, Magnificence and Squalor; St. John in 1876 – June 11, 2014
  183. Moncton as Seen by a Journalist in 1876 – June 4, 2014
  184. Events Leading to the Caraquet Riots of 1875 – May 28, 2014
  185. A Dramatic Account of the Miramichi Fire – May 21, 2014
  186. Saint John in the Early 1840’s – May 18, 2014
  187. A Note to Subscribers, and a Memorandum for me – May 14, 2014
  188. The Myth that Kerosene was Invented in New Brunswick – May 7, 2014
  189. A Church with Military Boots and Fixed Bayonets – Apr. 30, 2014
  190. An Opening Salvo in an Ongoing Argument – Apr. 23, 2014
  191. May living worms his corpse devour – Apr. 16, 2014
  192. He don’t look any better than some of our own boys – Apr. 9, 2014
  193. The Disputed Territory Between New Brunswick and Maine – Apr. 2, 2014
  194. Navigation on the Saint John River – Mar. 26, 2014
  195. Shepody as a Hot Investment Opportunity, 1868 – Mar. 19, 2014
  196. To Her Majesty, RE: Reciprocity, 1853 – Mar. 12, 2014
  197. Diary on the Tobique, 1851 – Mar. 5, 2014
  198. Growing up in Fredericton in the 1820s and 1830s – Feb. 26, 2014
  199. Travels From Eastport, Maine, to Fredericton, 1851 – Feb. 19, 2014
  200. The Saint John General Public Hospital, 19th Century, Part 2 of 2 – Feb. 12, 2014
  201. The Saint John General Public Hospital, 19th Century, Part 1 of 2 – Feb. 5, 2014
  202. The Story of the Great Brothers – Jan. 29, 2014
  203. A Trek up the Tobique, and Onward to Bathurst – Jan. 22, 2014
  204. Summer Tourists. A Manual for New Brunswick Farmers – Jan. 19, 2014
  205. A Trek from Grand Falls to Campbellton, 1862 – Jan. 15, 2014
  206. A Trek From Taymouth to Boisetown, 1862 – Jan. 12, 2014
  207. Capt. William Owen’s Journal, Campobello, 1770-71 – Jan. 8, 2014
  208. The Founding of Campobello Island – Jan. 5, 2014
  209. New Brunswick Roads and Railways, 1855 – Jan. 1, 2014
  210. Grand Manan – Dec. 29, 2013
  211. The Shipyard Fire in Saint John, in 1841 – Dec. 26, 2013
  212. Christmas as it Was in Saint John, in 1808 – Dec. 22, 2013
  213. The Saint John Grammar School – Dec. 18, 2013
  214. William Wishart Blasts the New Brunswick Education System, 1845 – Dec. 15, 2013
  215. The Diary of Sarah Frost – Dec. 11, 2013
  216. Pŭlěs, Pŭlowěch′, and Beechkwěch (Pigeon, Partridge, and Nighthawk) – Dec. 10, 2014
  217. The Government of New Brunswick, 1837 – Dec. 4, 2013
  218. The Whales and the Robbers – Dec. 1, 2013
  219. The Ashburton Treaty – Nov. 27, 2013
  220. Glooscap and His Four Visitors – Nov. 24, 2013
  221. The Pioneers of Saint Stephen – Nov. 20, 2013
  222. The Adventures of Kâktoogwâsees; a Tale of Ancient Times – Nov. 17, 2013
  223. The Asylum at Saint John – Nov. 13, 2013
  224. The Liver-Colored Giants and Magicians – Nov. 10, 2013
  225. Smuggling Between Calais and St. Stephen – Nov. 6, 2013
  226. The Two Weasels – Nov. 3, 2013
  227. A note to subscribers – Oct. 30, 2013
  228. The European and North American Railway, 1862 – Oct. 30, 2013
  229. The Origin of the War Between the Mi’kmaq and the Kwěděches – Oct. 23, 2013
  230. Trouble on the Line: The Early Telegraph in New Brunswick – Oct. 16, 2013
  231. The Invisible Boy; Team′ and Oochigeaskw – Oct. 9, 2013
  232. Transportation to and from Fredericton, 1841 – Oct. 2, 2013
  233. The Boy That Was Transformed Into a Horse – Sept. 25, 2013
  234. McAdam: Notes From the Early Days – Sept. 18, 2013
  235. The Magical Food, Belt and Flute – Sept. 11, 2013
  236. European & North American Rly. Staff, 1861 – Sept. 4, 2013
  237. Glooscap and the Megumoowesoo: A Marriage Adventure – Aug. 28, 2013
  238. The Loss of the Royal Tar – Aug. 21, 2013
  239. Robbery and Murder Revenged, Plus a Grand Falls Story – Aug. 14, 2013
  240. The St. John River From Below Fredericton to the Reversing Falls – Aug. 7, 2013
  241. A Proposal for a Wooden Railway – July 31, 2013
  242. ‘On the Early History of New Brunswick’ – July 24, 2013
  243. The Maugerville Settlement, 1763-1824 – July 17, 2013
  244. 1930 Circus Train Wreck Near Moncton, N.B. – July 10, 2013
  245. Horses or Oxen? Pick one – July 3, 2013
  246. The St. John River; Andover to Fredericton – June 26, 2013
  247. Origins of Some Place Names on N.B.’s Eastern Shore – June 19, 2013
  248. The St. John River; Grand Falls to the Tobique – June 12, 2013
  249. Gabriel Acquin – June 5, 2013
  250. The Seigniories of New Brunsiwck – May 29, 2013
  251. An 1841 Trek up the Oromocto River – May 22, 2013
  252. Fredericton’s Exhibition Palace, and Bears in N.B. – May 15, 2013
  253. Murder on Diamond Square Road – May 8, 2013
  254. Acadian Historic Sites in New Brunswick – May 1, 2013
  255. John C. Tracy’s Book, Part 5 of 5 – Apr. 24, 2013
  256. John C. Tracy’s Book, Part 4 of 5 – Apr. 17, 2013
  257. John C. Tracy’s Book, Part 3 of 5 – Apr. 10, 2013
  258. John C. Tracy’s Book, Part 2 of 5 – Apr. 3, 2013
  259. John C. Tracy’s Book, Part 1 of 5 – Mar. 27, 2013
  260. A Retrospective Look at Saint John – Mar. 20, 2013
  261. The Wreck of the England – Mar. 13, 2013
  262. The First Decade of the 1800’s in St. John, N.B. – Mar. 6, 2013
  263. St. John’s Poorhouse and Workhouse – Feb. 27, 2013, Rev. Sept. 9, 2015
  264. New Brunswick Scenes From an Old Book – Feb. 20, 2013
  265. Nice Pictures From Another Old Book – Feb. 13, 2013
  266. Life in the Backwoods of New Brunswick, Part 2/2 – Feb. 6, 2013
  267. Life in the Backwoods of New Brunswick, 1845 – Jan. 30, 2013
  268. The Works of W.O. Raymond – Jan. 23, 2013
  269. The Year of the Fever – Jan. 16, 2013
  270. Hanged for the Theft of 25 Cents – Jan. 9, 2013
  271. Reversing Falls – Pictures – Jan. 2, 2013
  272. Christmas as it was in 1808 – Dec. 25, 2012
  273. Nice Pictures From an Old Book – Dec. 19, 2012
  274. The Saint John Bridge Collapse of 1837 – Dec. 12, 2012
  275. The First Road Bridge Across the Reversing Falls – Dec. 5, 2012
  276. The Mystery of the First Lizzie Morrow – Nov. 28, 2012
  277. The First Murder Trial on the River St. John – Nov. 21, 2012
  278. The March of the 104th Regiment in 1812 – Nov. 14, 2012
  279. Partridge Island – Nov. 7, 2012
  280. Fredericton’s First Bridge Across the Saint John River – Oct. 31, 2012
  281. 1816, The Year Without a Summer – Oct. 31, 2012
  282. Winslow to Wentworth, 1781 – Oct. 31, 2012
  283. Oops! An explanation – Oct. 31, 2012
  284. The Saxby Gale of 1869 – Oct. 31, 2012
  285. New Brunswick’s Third Town in 1838: Saint Andrews – Oct. 31, 2012
  286. Fredericton and York County in 1838 – Oct. 31, 2012
  287. The City and County of Saint John in 1838 – Sept. 26, 2012
  288. The St. Andrews and Quebec Railroad – Sept. 19, 2012
  289. The Studholm Report of Saint John River Pre-Loyalists in 1783 – Sept. 12, 2012
  290. Caleb Jones. Further RE: Ann, otherwise known as Nancy – Sept. 5, 2012
  291. The Wreck of the Martha – Aug. 29, 2012
  292. The Early Settlement of Maugerville and the Sheffield Parsonage Dispute – Aug. 22, 2012
  293. Lieutenant Governors of New Brunswick to Confederation, Part 2 of 2 – Aug. 15, 2012
  294. Lieutenant Governors of New Brunswick to Confederation, Part 1 of 2 – Aug. 8, 2012
  295. The Morrow House at French Lake, N.B. – New Information – Aug. 1, 2012
  296. Sound by Glen Glenn, Revision 1 – July 25, 2012
  297. Ann, otherwise known as Nancy – July 18, 2012
  298. The Fire of October 7, 1825 – Beyond the Miramichi – July 11, 2012
  299. Lemuel Allan Wilmot – July 4, 2012
  300. The Great Fire at Miramichi, October 7, 1825 – June 27, 2012
  301. Robert Rankin in New Brunswick – June 20, 2012
  302. Who Owned the Mill at Tracy, New Brunswick? – June 13, 2012
  303. Signatures of Sunbury County Ancestors – June 6, 2012
  304. Daniel Wood’s Log Cabin, and Little Field Barn at French Lake, New Brunswick – May 30, 2012
  305. Rusagonis and George Garraty – May 23, 2012
  306. Epitaph Transcriptions from a Collection – May 16, 2012
  307. Central New Brunswick Gravestones from a Genealogy – May 9, 2012
  308. Nashwaak River Pictures with Stewart Family Connections – May 2, 2012
  309. More Sunbury County Photographs from a Collection – Apr. 25, 2012
  310. An Indian Burial Ground at Oromocto; and Coal Mining on the Oromocto River – Apr. 22, 2012
  311. “Days of Old” by Katherine DeWitt and Norma Alexander – Apr. 18, 2012
  312. The Wood Cemetery at French Lake, New Brunswick – Apr. 11, 2012
  313. James Glenie in New Brunswick – Apr. 4, 2012
  314. Four Generations of the Stewart Family on the Nashwaak River – Mar. 28, 2012
  315. Three Generations of the Mersereau Family in New Brunswick – Mar. 21, 2012
  316. Three Generations of the Smith Family of Sunbury County, New Brunswick – Mar. 14, 2012
  317. Three Generations of the Wood Family of French Lake, New Brunswick – Mar. 7, 2012
  318. New Brunswick Education in 1883 – Feb. 29, 2012
  319. Riots and Demonstrations in Saint John – Feb. 20, 2012
  320. Making Better Butter – Feb. 18, 2012
  321. York County Place Names, 1896/1905 – Feb. 8, 2012
  322. Sunbury County Place Names, 1896/1905 – Feb. 1, 2012
  323. Stereoscopic slides from Fred Stewart, Part 3 of 3 – Jan. 25, 2012
  324. Stereoscopic slides from Fred Stewart, Part 2 of 3 – Jan. 18, 2012
  325. Stereoscopic slides from Fred Stewart, Part 1 of 3 – Jan. 11, 2012
  326. The Hon. Thomas Baillie: Gone, but not soon forgotten! – Jan. 5, 2012
  327. The Fort at Oromocto, 1780 – 1783 – Dec. 29, 2011
  328. The Great Fire in Fredericton, 1850 – Early Accounts – Dec. 15, 2011
  329. The Morrow House at French Lake, and More – Dec. 8, 2011
  330. The Old Woman House at French Lake, New Brunswick – Dec. 1, 2011
  331. Smith Family Photographs from a Collection, Sunbury County, N.B. – Nov. 25, 2011
  332. French Lake from Before we Remember – Nov. 20, 2011
  333. How Geary became known as Geary – Nov. 9, 2011
  334. Elizabeth (Smith) Secord; N.B.’s First Woman Registered Doctor – Nov. 4, 2011
  335. Phillips Family Photographs from a Collection, Rusagonis, N.B. – Nov. 2, 2011
  336. Mersereau Family Photographs from a Collection, Sunbury County, N.B. – Oct. 30, 2011
  337. Wood Family Photographs from a Collection, French Lake, N.B. – Oct. 25, 2011
  338. Jeremiah Tracy: Pioneer of the Village of Tracy, New Brunswick – Oct. 20, 2011
  339. Two Old Railroad-Inspired Songs – Oct. 16, 2011
  340. Ode to the Oromocto River – Oct. 10, 2011
  341. John Mersereau, Loyalist 2 – Oct. 4, 2011
  342. The Earliest American Railroads and Locomotives – Sept. 14, 2011
  343. The Mersereau Manufacturing Company of Brooklyn, New York, Notes – Sept. 3, 2011
  344. George Morrow of French Lake, New Brunswick – 1801-1868 – Aug. 26, 2011
  345. The Wood Family of French Lake, New Brunswick – Legends – Aug. 9, 2011
  346. The Baptist Church on the Oromocto River in New Brunswick – Aug. 7, 2011
  347. John Wood of French Lake, New Brunswick – 1788-1868 – Aug. 2, 2011
  348. Daniel Wood of French Lake, New Brunswick – 1764-1847 – Aug. 1, 2011
  349. Three Stewarts on the Nashwaak – July 24, 2011
  350. Bunker Genealogy – Five Bunkers – July 20, 2011
  351. Statistics From the 1851 and 1871 Sunbury County New Brunswick Census Reports – July 19, 2011
  352. Historical Development of the Beam Bending Equation M=fS – July 18, 2011
  353. Seth Noble, Maugerville and the American Revolution – July 16, 2011
  354. Columns, the Long and the Short of it – 1729-1900 – July 15, 2011
  355. The Great Saint John Steel Cantilever Bridge – July 13, 2011
  356. The Upper Oromocto River in 1847 – July 11, 2011
  357. Early Glimpses of the Rusagonis Baptist Church in New Brunswick – July 11, 2011
  358. Abraham Gesner’s 1847 Observations of Sport Hunting in New Brunswick – July 11, 2011
  359. It Sounds a bit Too Easy – July 10, 2011
  360. James Buncker – July 10, 2011
  361. Inconsistent Petitions; Changed Self-Interests – July 10, 2011
  362. Abner Mersereau and a Letter – July 9, 2011
  363. Early Glimpses of the Patterson Settlement Baptist Church in New Brunswick – July 9, 2011
  364. The Textile Mill at Geary, New Brunswick – July 8, 2011
  365. Letter of Mi’kmaq’ Chief Pemmeenauweet to Queen Victoria – 1841 – July 7, 2011
  366. New Brunswick in the 1840s – July 7, 2011


John Wood


Written by johnwood1946

November 15, 2017 at 8:01 AM

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Harvey, New Brunswick, 1837

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Harvey, New Brunswick, 1837

People from Harvey will know that the very earliest settlers in their community arrived in Saint John aboard the Cornelius of Sunderland in 1837. It had been their intention to settle in Stanley on lands being developed by the New Brunswick and Nova Scotia Land Company, but these intentions were scuttled when they found that the Company’s promoters had exaggerated the attractiveness of the place. These settlers became the pioneers of Harvey Settlement, later called Harvey Station, and many of their descendants remain in the area today.

The move from Stanley to Harvey was more difficult than anticipated, and the following description of those earliest of days fills in some of the blanks. This is condensed and edited from James Edgar’s, New Brunswick, as a Home for Emigrants, Saint John, 1860.

Harvey Community Days, 1963

From the Harvey Community Days website


About thirty emigrant families arrived at St. John in the spring of 1837, and went to Fredericton, intending to settle on the York County lands of the New Brunswick and Nova Scotia Land Company at Stanley. They were a mixture of English and Scotch, from the banks of the Tweed, — farm labourers, healthy and strong, but without means. Disappointed in their engagements with the Company, they applied to Sir John Harvey, then Lieutenant Governor, who sent a message, recommending their case to the House of Assembly, then in session. At that time, the whole region from Hanwell to Magaguadavic was an unbroken wilderness, and through it a line for a Great Road from Fredericton to Saint Andrews had just been explored and marked out; and a member of the Assembly who had assisted in the exploration proposed to settle them on this line. The House was informed that the proposed road passed through an extensive tract of good hardwood near Oromocto Lake, and the plan was to lay off thirty-two lots, each of 80 rods front, and 200 rods long, sixteen lots on each side of the road. The men were to be put under the direction of two judicious persons, well acquainted with clearing land. They were to be furnished with axes and provisions to cut down and prepare for burning an opening twenty-eight rods wide and four miles long; to peel spruce bark to cover the houses; to burn the chopping; and to clear an additional three acres of land at the front of each lot for planting. They would then bring out their families who would be furnished with supplies so that each of them could sow and plant their three acres in the following spring.

Such was the plan which was agreed on at the time by the House of Assembly but, on preparing for the proposed survey, it was discovered that 2,200 acres of the intended land had previously been selected by three individuals, and could not be obtained. This was a great disappointment, and hindrance at the outset. Another tract of land, less favourable, had to be selected, some of which was swampy and not good for first crops. No continuous opening could be made and the clearings had to be made in separate places. The poor fellows, instead of getting each three acres ready for sowing and planting the following spring, had to toil on for three whole years, before they all got settled on their separate allotments. They proved first rate road makers, and ultimately paid for all the supplies furnished by the Government. As an aside, they had no boards to finish their floors, so the cut their own using whip saws. The houses themselves were, of course, made of logs.

Following is an extract of the Report of the Hon. L.A. Wilmot, Commissioner of the Harvey Settlement, to Sir William Colebrooke, dated at Fredericton, 9th February, 1844:—

“The great success which has followed the labours of these industrious and valuable settlers, is an unquestionable proof of what may yet be done on our millions of acres of wilderness lands. The return shews, that from land where not a tree had been felled in July 1837, there have been taken, during the past autumn, 260 tons of hay and straw and 15,000 bushels of grain, potatoes and turnips.”

“It is desirable that the return may be circulated among the settlers’ friends and countrymen in the north of England, as well as other parts of the United Kingdom, so that the capabilities of our new land and soil may appear, and that it may also be made known, that we have at least five millions of acres yet undisposed of, a great portion of which is of better quality than the land at Harvey, whereon the sober and industrious emigrant may create a home under the protection of British laws, and in the enjoyment of British institutions.”

Those settlers began with nothing. They suffered many hardships, but they were inured to labour, and overcame them all. They commenced in 1837, and in 1843 had property in cleared land, farm produce, cattle, sheep, swine, etc., of the value of £4,289. During all that time, only two deaths had occurred, while there had been thirty-nine births, and all without medical aid!

Equally successful were a number of poor emigrant families from the South of Ireland, who settled in a body on a tract of wild land, distant from the Harvey only a few miles. They also began with nothing, and at the end of the second year, gathered seven thousand two hundred and seventy-six bushels of grain, potatoes, and turnips, and besides making more than four miles of road, accumulated property to the amount of more than £2,000.

Written by johnwood1946

November 15, 2017 at 8:01 AM

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On the Road to Responsible Government in New Brunswick

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On the Road to Responsible Government in New Brunswick

Lieut. Governor John Manners-Sutton

From Wikipedia

There was a long struggle to introduce Responsible Government to New Brunswick, where the Executive was ultimately responsible to the elected Legislature and, through them, to the people. Before that, the Assembly were limited in their powers by the Governor and Council. To make things worse, Council served at the pleasure of the Governor and could either agree with his decisions or be replaced.

James Glenie had famously fought for a more responsible system. He was a very abrasive personality, however, and could not gain the necessary support. Much later, Lemuel Allan Wilmot, and others, also argued for a redistribution of legislative authority. They had some success but the work was not yet done. Wilmot eventually became more conservative and joined the ruling class rather than to continue as a reformer.

There was one remarkable event in 1802, when the Legislature rejected a money bill put forward by the Council and adjourned. Council then connived with some of the more conservative members to stay behind after everyone else had gone home, and to pass the bill without having a quorum. That is how democracy worked in New Brunswick before the introduction of Responsible Government.

By 1854 there were two parties in the Legislature, Liberal and Conservative. Party affiliation was not as important as governing philosophy, however, and the party names might as well have been all lower-case, as in liberal and conservative. The members were, in effect, either on the reform side or on the government side.

This situation is reviewed in the following article which is condensed and edited from George Edward Fenety’s Parliamentary reminiscences, … measures introduced in the House … beginning with the administration of … Manners-Sutton, Saint John, N.B., 1883. It then explains how Council was finally forced to stand up to the Lieut. Governor and tacitly accept Responsible Government.


From the settlement of this Province up to the year 1854—when the system of Government under which we now live was first put into operation—the conduct and management of public affairs and business, and the distribution of patronage, rested in the hands, and were under the control of a dominant class. The family compact, as it was familiarly styled by those outside the pale, was composed of men of consideration who, with seats in the Executive Council, held all the higher offices to which large salaries were attached. The compact was a kind of autocracy—the members of which maintained that they were not amenable for their acts to the people; but while holding themselves independent of the popular voice, they were subject to a power higher, namely, the Lieutenant Governor, who carried out the will of the Colonial Secretary. The Province in the first half century of its existence was in fact governed from Downing Street. Holding their positions and offices from the Crown, it was the interest of the Council to uphold the prerogative vested in the hands of the Lieutenant Governor; and it happened that the members of the Executive seldom resisted any encroachment of the Governor on the power it was assumed they possessed in virtue of their positions. If the advice tendered by the Council on any matter was disregarded by the Governor because it was contrary to the views by himself held, or not in consonance with the instructions of Downing Street, his Excellency’s advisers were constrained to yield. This state of things on the popular side was long viewed to be a great grievance; and to effect a reform was a work to which the rising ambitious talents of the country addressed themselves earnestly and vehemently. In 1840, the cry for Responsible Government was loud and echoed on the floors of the House. Year after year, from that date, the agitation was maintained, and in conducting it some of the ablest men the Province has produced took the lead. Not until after fourteen years following the commencement of the Responsible Government reform movement, did success perch upon the banners of the agitators. In 1854, the reins of power were for the first time wrested from the group of those who for a half century and more had tightly held them. Then began the system of government by which the members of the executive held office and power, not during good behaviour, as of old, but so long as they could command the majority upon the floors of the House of Assembly. Their good behaviour is now judged by their good performance, not only in the capacity of advisors to the Lieutenant Governor, but as originators of sound measures for the advancement of good measures for the country.

The following tells of the dawn of a new political era, commencing with the fall of 1854, when a strictly party government upon well-defined issues, was formed for the first time, and has been going on ever since, in one continual chain down to the present year—1888.

The last Lieutenant Governor (Sir Edmund Head) like his predecessors, exercised a resolute will; but the arms of the reformers in the Assembly had gradually been gaining strength—while the eyes of the people were being opened wider to the realities of the situation. The last ounce which bore too heavily upon the long patient country, at length broke the spell of passive obedience, and led to the rupture between the reformers in the House and the Governor’s Council. It was assumed that the lesson that was taught, in the defeat of the Government, on account of the conduct of Sir Edmund Head, would keep future Governors within the limits of their power. The coming of the new Governor to the Province in the autumn of 1854, after a general election which took place in June, was hailed with great satisfaction by those who expected to see the principles of responsibility fully and fairly carried out. The reputation of Hon. Mr. Manners-Sutton as an eminent member of the reform side of the House of Commons had proceeded him, and high hopes were entertained. Yet, he too showed a disposition to act independently of the advice of Council, and that within a year from the time he was sworn in. And his successor, Hon. Arthur H. Gordon, was also firmset in his own opinions, and as little disposed to be guided entirely, on matters of moment, by his Council. But the disposition of the Governor to act independently was now kept in check by the class of men that the reform agitation had brought to the front. They were not satisfied to have the form without the substance and whatever Government have come into power since 1854, they have, when occasion called, maintained their constitutional principles by resigning office when the Governor refused to act upon their advice. These remarks apply to what was formerly called royal Governors, sent out from England.

The General Elections were held in the month of June, 1854, and the returns for the whole Province gave a majority of Liberals elected which may be called an accidental ascendency. The people generally were not at all responsible for this, since local self-interests had guided most of the voters.

In the month of October Sir Edmund Head (being elevated to the governor generalship of Canada) took his departure from New Brunswick. Sir Edmund was succeeded by Hon. J.H.T. Manners-Sutton (son of a former Speaker of the House of Commons, in later years Lord Canterbury) who arrived in the Province in time to have an interview with his predecessor. The following is the announcement from a St. John newspaper (Oct. 6) of His Excellency’s arrival:—

“His Excellency the Lieut. Governor arrived in the steamer Governor at 12 o’clock yesterday… There was an immense concourse of people at the landing when Mr. Manners-Sutton arrived, who surrounded him on all sides, to obtain a view of him, and crowds followed him through the streets on his way to the Hotel. A royal salute was fired from onboard one of the Black Ball Line of Packets, as the Steamer approached the wharf. His Excellency leaves town this morning at 9 o’clock for Fredericton.”

A Special Important Session of the Legislature

On the 20th October, a special Session of the Legislature was called for the purpose of taking action upon, and ratifying, the Reciprocity Treaty made between England and the United States. Mr. Hanington was elected Speaker, and the war of party commenced immediately. The House had scarcely heard the Address regarding the Treaty when it began to exhibit signs of insubordination. They would not hear the Address from the Chair. Mr. Fisher brought in a bill; Mr. Cutler another; Mr. Harding the third and Mr. Tilley the fourth. The Government members spoke of the session as a Special Session, called to deliberate upon the Treaty, but Mr. Ritchie and Mr. End reminded the Government that being convened they had the right to do whatever they thought it their duty to do, as this was to all intents and purposes a General Assembly.

Mr. Fisher moved an amendment to the Address, and spoke for four hours. He was very severe upon the arbitrary conduct of Sir Edmund Head. He went into a long explanation of his own conduct at the time he retired from Government, and showed by correspondence never before made public, that he at once objected to the Governor appointing the Judges, and declared that he would not put up with it. Sir Edmund, he declared, sent the notice to the Royal Gazette, in his own handwriting, without showing it to or consulting the Council. He then went on to attack the present Attorney General (Street) for joining the Government he had just declared “politically dishonest.” Mr. Brown followed on the same side. This gentleman had consented to move the Address, but afterwards finding that the proposition was an endeavour on the part of Government to entrap him, he declined the honour and supported the amendment. As the amendment is important, involving the stability of the Government, and their final defeat, it is copied here:

“It is with feelings of loyalty and attachment to Her Majesty’s Person and Government, that we recognize in that provision of the Treaty which requires the concurrence of this Legislature, a distinct avowal of the Imperial Government of their determination to preserve inviolate the principles of Self-Government, and to regard the Constitution of the Province as sacred as that of the parent State. We regret that the conduct of the local Administration during the last four years has not been in accordance with these principles, and we feel constrained thus early most respectfully to state to your Excellency that your Constitutional Advisers have not conducted the Government of the Province in the true spirit of our Colonial Constitution.”

Messrs. Street, Wilmot, Gray, were the leading speakers on the Government side. Messrs. Ritchie, Tilley, Johnson, Smith, Harding, in opposition. Heavy blows were exchanged; but it was evident that the fate of the Government was sealed; day after day as the debate progressed new converts were made to the opposition ranks. Those doubtful gentlemen who kept their hands under their desks, one by one threw themselves into the arms of the Opposition. On the night of the 27th, the exact position of every member was fixed and understood. The whole Province appeared to be in a state of excitement. The wires connecting with St. John were in continual operation, flashing along the probabilities of the result. Never were the people more political on any occasion—the Liberals at the prospect of finally conquering their old opponents—and the Conservatives that all their power and prestige were about to be wrested from their grasp for the first time and forever. The grounds of attack and defence may be thus summarized. It was charged against the Government, by Mr. Fisher that his confreres submitted to an undue exercise of authority on the part of Sir Edmund Head. In this wise—Chief Justice Chipman had retired from the Bench and it was the wish of the Government to reduce the number of Judges to three, and the Master of the Rolls to act as one of the Judges, making four; this vacation of the Chief Justiceship furnished the opportunity, they thought, and at the same time would cause a saving to the country. The Hon. L.A. Wilmot was the Attorney General, and in the order of political succession according to Responsible Government, should have been made Chief Justice; but inasmuch as he had allied himself with the Conservatives a few years before this, he had no Constitutional friends to rely upon. The Government advised that the Chief Justiceship should be entailed by seniority. His Excellency, after asking for advice and getting it, proceeded on his own ideas of what was right and proper. He accordingly recommended to the Colonial Secretary the names of Judge Carter for the office of Chief Justice, and the Attorney General (L.A Wilmot) for that of Puisne Judge. Moreover, the Judges themselves drew up a Memorial in opposition to the views of the Council, which His Excellency forwarded to the Colonial Office in company with his own—and the Council were not permitted to see it. The appointing power was thus virtually set aside, or taken out of the Government of this Province handed over through the Lieut. Governor to Downing Street. Mr. L.A. Wilmot had for years been the most determined opponent of “the old compact party” as it was called; and now having him on their side as the Attorney General, the endeavour was to hold him as their expounder and defender upon the floors of the House. To do this it was necessary to close the doors of the office of one of the Judges. Instead therefore, of being by a patriotic economical desire it was that of selfishness—to hold office as long as possible. And there is still another explanation to be given, perhaps for the first time, to the public. It was not Sir Edmund’s intention to appoint Mr. Wilmot to the office,—whoever else he may have had in view,—but Mr. W. insisted upon his rights and produced a document signed by Lord Glenelg, Secretary for the Colonies at the time when Mr. W. was a delegate in England in which His Lordship informed him that at any time he could render him a service not to hesitate about writing to him. The reading of this document brought Sir Edmund to a clearer comprehension of the situation; he at once saw that with such powerful influences as might be invoked in England by Mr. Wilmot’s friends, it would probably in the end tend to his own (Sir Edmund’s) discomfiture and therefore it would not be well to arouse the slumbering lion, by turning his back upon Mr. Wilmot’s claims. Suffice it to add, that this gentleman was appointed with Judge Carter—and hence all the difficulty with the Government and the turmoil that followed. It was not that the House and the country considered that Mr. Wilmot was not entitled to the office. The difficulty arose on the ground that the Council having advised His Excellency not to fill the vacancy, and then allowed him to act contrary to their advice without protest, and surrendering their offices.

A long debate ensued. In plain English, if the Council were not satisfied they could resign, and if they did not they were responsible and must defend the appointment. The dilemma the Governor was in was, that with the full knowledge of that constitutional principle he had made a recommendation adverse to their advice, and had never shown them or apprised them of it. He (Mr. F.) had no doubt, when Lord Grey authorized the appointment he did so under the impression that the recommendation of the Governor had been shown to the Council, as it ought to have been, and as they had neither remonstrated or resigned, they had deferred to it. After the Governor saw that the Council would tamely submit to such a proceeding he had them at his feet. From that day they were prostrate. His whole administration after that had been a government by Dispatches and effort after effort to curtail the principle of self-government and magnify the Colonial Office. Before he left the Dispatch, there was a remark of the Governor’s worthy of note. He said ‘I confess myself to be in great perplexity’. His whole difficulty arose from his desire to have his own way, and do as he pleased.

This was not the only charge against the Government, but it was the main one and perhaps the most damaging. The Opposition complained also that the Government was but a continuation of the old one, extending over a period of very many years—indeed since the appointment of Mr. Wilmot to the Bench and the withdrawal of the Hon. Mr. Fisher, it had resolved itself into its original elements—the old family compact. His Excellency’s name and conduct were dealt with upon the floors of the House, day after day, as if he alone were guilty of the crime committed, and for which his Council were now put upon their trial.

On the 25th October, 1850, the Council, after two or three days deliberation, handed the Governor the following Minute:—“The Committee of Council having had under consideration the resignation of his Honor the Chief Justice, and His Excellency’s Memorandum accompanying the same and having duly deliberated thereon, are of opinion that it is not advisable to appoint any person to the vacant office, and that such a revision of the Judiciary should be made by the Legislature as will secure the efficient discharge of the judicial duties by three Judges of the Supreme Court, together with the Master of the Rolls, and that the necessary measures should be made to carry out the above arrangement at the next Session of the Legislature.

Written by johnwood1946

November 8, 2017 at 8:54 AM

Posted in Uncategorized

Through the Woods in the Dead of Winter; Fredericton to the Miramichi

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Through the Woods in the Dead of Winter; Fredericton to the Miramichi

Richard Dashwood was a British military officer who was stationed in Fredericton for a while during the 1860’s, and later wrote a book entitled Chiploquorgan; or, Life by the Camp Fire … detailing his experiences. The following story is condensed and edited from that book. According to Dashwood, Chiploquorgan is the Maliseet name for the stick used to suspend a kettle over a camp fire.

Dashwood and a fellow officer left Fredericton on a hunting trip in late November of 1864, and were away for more than a month. They experiencing the worst that winter conditions could inflict upon them, but they were up to the challenge.

A Logging Scene, ca 1897

From the N.B. Museum via the McCord Museum


Early in December is the best time to proceed on a winter hunting expedition after caribou. At this season the skins of the fur bearing animals are in the best order; and the rivers, lakes and marshy barrens are frozen hard.

The caribou chiefly frequents the country bordering on the St. Laurence, and is met with in the Maritime Provinces, especially in New Brunswick. A full grown stag weighs over three hundred weight, and is about four feet in height. The head is full shaped, with none of the fineness of the red deer about it; the neck is very thick; the legs are beautifully fine; the hoofs large, round and split, which enables the animal to traverse the snow without sinking. The does are smaller and rather finer about the head. Cariboo vary in colour according to their age and the season of the year. In summer the stags are brown, and the does nearly black, while in winter they assume a much lighter shade. The big stags drop their horns in November, the smaller ones later; the females, whose antlers are small but prettily shaped, not until May.

Caribou feed chiefly on white moss and lichen, and also the moss that hangs in festoons from firs and tamaracks. In summer they will browse on leaves. During winter when the snow is deep, they dig down several feet with their hoofs to get at the white moss, and not with their horns, long since cast.

In summertime the old stags are solitary. The does are accompanied by their fawns, and sometimes by young stags. At the approach of the rutting season in September, caribou congregate in herds, each of which has a master stag, who fights all interlopers.

When winter sets in, the big stags herd together, the small stags still remaining with the does. The principal resort of these animals is in the neighbourhood of barrens, or in open woods of scrubby spruce or pitch pine, where grows the white moss, their favourite food. In the absence of fir growth they are frequently found in hard wood ridges, but from the comparative scarcity of food they are never in such good condition as when in the vicinity of barrens.

Caribou never remain stationary in one place like moose, but are always wandering about from plain to plain. No one, therefore, need be disheartened when hunting these animals at not seeing fresh tracks, provided there be old ones, as the herds are almost sure to come round again sooner or later. Their meat is excellent and, when fat, surpasses any other venison. The skins make capital rugs and sleigh robes, and when tanned, the leather is exceedingly close in the grain, and very strong.

Caribou can be called in the rutting season, but not in the same manner as moose. A solitary stag when looking for does in the rutting season, will come to the noise made by a stag, for the purpose of fighting him. As an instance, on one occasion a large caribou stag came out of the woods making a snorting noise, which Sebattis, our Indian, had imitated on his horn. The animal came right up to us, giving vent to a gruff kind of grunt and pawing the earth. He was immediately dropped by a ball from Farquharson’s rifle, a brother officer who was with me.

It is, of course, far better sport to hunt caribou in the autumn, when the horns are at their prime, than in winter, when the large stags have dropped them. However, there is great difficulty in finding the animal during the fall, for at that time the caribou are mostly hid in the thick woods along the edges of marshes where they cannot be tracked. It is better, therefore, to call moose in September, and wait until the snow falls, and the ice forms, to hunt caribou.

At the end of November, 1864, Farquharson and I arranged to proceed on a hunting expedition to the head of the Little Southwest Miramichi. This ground was a long way off, and rather difficult of access, but affording the inducement of beaver and other trapping, in addition to shooting caribou. We hired two Indians, Sebattis, the man I frequently employed, and Joe Bear, son of old Loui Bear, the most famous of the Malecite hunters. We also got together our hunting gear, including four toboggans. A hunting toboggan is six feet long, composed of two side pieces of spruce, six inches wide, and one inch in thickness, rounded off in front, and square behind; these are placed parallel to each other, at the distance of two feet, and joined at the upper sides by wooden benches of maple or other hard wood.

Starting from Fredericton, we drove to Boisetown, on the Miramichi, a distance of fifty miles. On arriving there we found the river still open, though large quantities of ice were floating down. Hiring a couple of settlers and their dugouts, we poled to the mouth of Rocky brook, ten miles upstream. Here we fortunately overtook a party of lumberers who were about to set out in our direction with a sled and team of horses for their camp, distant fifteen miles. There was not any snow on the ground, between the river and the green woods, which were three miles off; we therefore arranged with the lumber party to haul all our gear to their camp, where we arrived late in the evening, tired and glad to sit down and smoke our pipes opposite the fire, waiting until the cook had got ready the evening meal.

I will here give a short description of a lumber camp, and how the business is carried on. The camp is an oblong structure, built of spruce or fir logs notched at the ends, so as to fit into each other, the chinks are stuffed up with moss; the roof which slopes on each side from the centre, is composed of rough boards, split with an axe from cedar or pine, these are termed splints. There is a door at one end, and the roof over the fire place, which is situated in the centre of the camp, is left open.

In front of the fire on one side, and running the whole length of the camp, is a bench, hewn out of spruce or fir; this bench is termed the deacon seat; behind it the men sleep in a row, on fir boughs, with one long rug under and another over them. Two bunks are made at right angles to the fire; one of these is occupied by the teamster, who has charge of the horses, and is therefore enabled to get up and feed them without disturbing the other men; the other by the boss. The cook sleeps on the other side the fire, which it is his duty to keep going all night. On that side he has all his cooking apparatus, consisting of a couple of frying pans, baking oven, kettle and large iron pot, besides numerous tin plates and dishes, knives, &c. It is also part of his work to cut all the fire wood for the camp.

The men breakfast in winter an hour before daylight; dinner is served at twelve, supper at dark, and a fourth meal later if they wish. Their wages vary from twelve to sixteen dollars per month, not much considering the hard work.

A crew of lumberers have different occupations assigned to them; the fellers, who cut down the trees and trim them; the swampers, who swamp, cut roads to the felled trees, to enable the teamster and his assistants to haul them on a bob sled two sleds working independently and joined with chains to the banks of the river or brook where the lumber is yarded, or piled up, ready to be launched into the water in the spring.

It requires a large crew of men to pilot the floating timber down the streams, as many logs get hung up, the local term applied to these stoppages. Sometimes jams occur, the logs being piled up one above another to a great height. To break a jam and cut the log which holds the pile together requires skill, and is attended with considerable danger, as directly the key log is severed the jam gives way at once, some pieces of timber shooting up their ends high out of the water. The man on the jam has to get ashore quickly, jumping often from one floating log to another. To prevent him slipping he has spikes in his shoes.

The wages during the driving are higher than at other times, the men working at the head of the drive earn more than those at the tail where there are no jams. The work at this season continues from daylight till dark, and five meals a day are provided. Temporary camps are made along the banks, as the drive progresses down the stream. When the timber has been driven down to large rivers or lakes it is rafted, then wharped, or towed by steamers, to the saw mills.

But to continue: after we had supped, and all hands were in camp, we were cross questioned in the usual manner relative to where we came from, and where we were going to hunt, our guns minutely examined, and passed round from one to another with the remarks, “Well now,” and “What would she cost?” “I guess that is a complete gun and no mistake,” or alluding to our breech-loaders which more especially excited their curiosity, “That beats all.”

One or two of the men professed to know of places swarming with caribou and moose. Of course none of these stories were to be relied upon for a moment. The knowledge of these people with a few exceptions is confined to trees. As a rule, they know little of the animals, though spending half the year in the woods.

Having smoked sundry pipes and done a good deal of talking, we turned in for the night, Farquharson among the men. I had already experienced sleeping with a dozen men under one blanket. It is a case of one turn, all turn; nor is it pleasant to awake with one man’s elbow in your eye, and the knee of another in your ribs. So with a bag of flour for a pillow, I slept on the deacon seat, which afforded me room to turn to the fire when one side got cold.

Indians, when in a lumber camp never talk or make a remark, even at the most glaring yarns. On asking Sebattis what he thought of the stories of the preceding evening, he replied, “Lumber-men all liars, must think us big fools.” We were aroused long before daylight by the boss calling, “Now, boys, tumble up.” Farquharson had had quite enough of his couch, and declared he would not sleep among the men again.

After breakfast having packed our three toboggans, which when loaded, weighed heavy, we left the camp on our way. Farquharson and I had a toboggan between us, the Indians one each. We followed an old sable line, built formerly by Joe Bear. A sable line is a line of traps set for that animal. The hauling was exceedingly bad from the slight depth of snow and the numerous windfalls which intercepted our way, and over which our toboggans had to be lifted. We only got about five miles that day, and camped at night in an old hunting wigwam.

The next morning we proceeded on our way with the same difficulties, our progress being slower as we stopped to set up and bait the dead falls, wooden traps along the line. On this evening we were not able to reach a camp, of which there were several on our route, but camped in the snow at the bottom of a very steep hill, which we were too tired to face that day. It was some time after dark when we had rigged up a camp with a blanket, cut wood, and cooked our supper.

After two more days hauling we reached a bark wigwam on the Renous lakes. Here we set some traps for otter and one for beaver at a house nearby. We had performed a hard day’s work, and consequently slept soundly. During the night our camp, which was of birch bark, caught fire, and the consequences might have been serious had not Joe Bear awoke, and rousing us and managed to put it out.

The next morning Farquharson and Joe, leaving one toboggan behind, followed a fresh bear track. It was just the time of year that these animals were looking out for their winter habitations, so afforded a good chance to get him, provided they found him in his den.

Sebattis and I taking a toboggan apiece agreed to meet our companions at a camp on the Little Southwest Lake, our ultimate destination, which was only a day’s journey from the Renous lakes. We had a very hilly country to traverse, principally of hardwood growth and, what with setting up traps and building a few fresh ones, it was almost dark when we emerged on to a lake. Up to this time we had followed the line which was delineated by the blazes, marks in the trees.

Sebattis was a stranger to this part of the country and we had difficulty picking up the line of blazes in the dark. Our toboggans upset and we had frequent falls. We eventually emerged on to the lake and Joe told us his camp was situated nearby, but finding it in the dark was the difficulty.

In a short time the report of a gun was heard, which I answered, and we soon met our companions. Farquharson had not succeeded in getting a shot at the bear, though they came upon his newly made den.

We had now travelled a distance of thirty miles from the lumber camp, and had a line of deadfalls set nearly all the way, with several steel traps at beaver houses, and likely places for otters. We had not seen a single track of either a caribou or moose; the former we had not expected to meet with in the thick woods, but three years previously moose had been most plentiful in these regions, until annihilated by Indians and others, solely for their skins.

The following morning we left camp early, expecting to find fresh tracks of caribou. The country to the north of the lake was sparsely covered with scrubby spruce and pitch pine, with plenty of white moss growing everywhere, a most likely looking caribou ground. But after a long tramp we were surprised at seeing none but very old tracks, mingled with those of a pack of wolves, whose dung we was full of caribou hair. This accounted at once for the absence of the deer, and Joe informed us that when chased by wolves caribou do not return to the same ground for a long time.

Having come so far, we decided to make the best of it, and so set to work, trapping vigorously, setting steel traps at three beaver houses in the big lake, and at several others in the many lakes which lay in the surrounding country. We also set traps for otters in several good places, and constructed a new line of about fifty dead falls across a high hill, near the margin of the lake. It took us two or three days to complete this line, working together, two of us cutting out a path and blazing the line, the others building and baiting the traps.

We were now hard pressed for fresh meat, our pork was getting low, and it also turned out rancid, but it had to be eaten for we had as yet caught no beaver. I had observed some muskrat houses at one end of the lake, so I sent Sebattis to try and trap some, and he returned in the evening with three. Muskrats are not bad eating in winter time, made into soup, especially if you have no other meat. We also caught a porcupine which was almost uneatable. Grouse were very scarce in the neighbourhood. It is at all times difficult to find them without a dog in the middle of the forests. We also tried to catch trout through the ice, but without success.

The next day our luck turned, for on going round the traps we found three beavers. Another must have had a narrow escape, as a chip of wood gnawed off by the beaver had fallen on to the pan and, on the trap being sprung, flew up and was caught between the jaws, thus enabling him to escape. At the end of a week, our Indians went round our more distant traps, while Farquharson and I remained at the lake. One day we had occasion to visit a beaver house, and a short line at the further extremity of the large lake. I never remember feeling the cold so bitter. A strong east wind with driving sleet, blew in our faces, and we had to walk backwards most of the way. On reaching the woods, Farquharson was frostbitten in the hands, though wearing mitts. I had escaped, but was obliged to change the hand grasping the barrel of my rifle, every minute.

On our return we had not to face the wind, but the glare ice from which the slight covering of snow had been blown off made it very fatiguing. How I wished we had brought skates. We did not get back to camp until after dark, and there was not a stick of wood cut; luckily it was moonlight, so I set to work to fell trees and cut them into lengths, which my companion carried to camp. Joe and Sebattis returned in a couple of days with a beaver and two sable; they also brought the toboggan which had been left at Renous.

After spending here three weeks, we set out on our return. Farquharson had cut his leg with an axe, and consequently I was obliged to haul a toboggan single handed. The second day we reached a camp on the Dungarvon waters, where we remained a day, and attempted to kill some beaver in a dam, but all our efforts failed.

On the third day we reached the lumber camp, where we had previously passed the night. The following morning we made an early start, as we had fifteen miles to haul along a lumber road to the mouth of Rocky brook, and a very grievous and hard fifteen miles it proved. On the advice of the lumberers we took the brook near their camp, but we had not proceeded far when it gave way and Farquharson, who was in front, fell in. We were obliged therefore to retrace our steps to the camp, hauling up a steep hill, and make a fresh start along the lumber road, which was slippery.

We had not got more than a mile on our journey when a tremendous snow storm set in, and before the middle of the day we were ploughing through light snow up to our knees. Under no other circumstances is hauling so heavy; it was only with immense exertions that we were able to drag along our toboggans, and the distance appeared interminable. The road lay over several very steep hills, the surmounting of which from the slippery nature of the ground cost us many falls, nor would snow shoes have mended matters. At length quite done up we arrived on the banks of the river at dark, where we made a temporary camp by sticking up a blanket and clearing away the snow. It proved a miserable place to camp, being very open and with wood exceedingly scarce. Our supper consisted of a small portion of pork and bread with tea.

The snowstorm having cleared off, a bitterly cold night set in. The thermometer, we afterwards discovered, went down to thirty-nine below zero. We were all awoke by the cold, and sat smoking by the fire until morning. A grouse, happening at day break to perch above our heads, was shot by Farquharson, and made an addition to our breakfast. The next day we put on our snowshoes and proceeded down the river on the ice to the settlements, where we arrived in the evening, put up at a farm house, and enjoyed a plentiful meal.

The next day a farmer drove us to Cain’s River, where we took up our abode in an old lumber camp, hoping to get a shot at a caribou before our return to Fredericton. No such luck awaited us, for after scouring the country all round, we saw not a single track, although one of the men at the lumber camp had declared he had seen plenty in that neighbourhood. As Cain’s River was formerly famous for caribou, we believed him.

The following day, we set out with Sebattis to creep moose he had discovered. On approaching the yard we took off our snow shoes, and after proceeding for about an hour with caution, treading in each other’s tracks as the snow was now deep, we sighted four moose about one hundred yards off. Two of the animals were lying down, the others feeding. Those lying down immediately became aware of our approach and jumped up. We fired several shots, killing one and wounding another, which was found dead the next day more than a mile from where he had been struck. It occupied us several days to haul the meat to camp, after which we returned to Fredericton, as our leave was nearly at an end.

Written by johnwood1946

November 5, 2017 at 8:09 AM

Posted in Uncategorized

Acadia in 1720, as Seen by Paul Mascarene

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From the blog at

Acadia in 1720, as Seen by Paul Mascarene

1720 was very early in what would become the English period in Nova Scotia. The Peace of Utrecht had given Acadia to England in 1713 but, in effect, this included only the peninsula of Nova Scotia. Halifax would not be founded for another almost 50 years, and the final siege of Louisbourg would be even later. England was not giving much attention to Nova Scotia, despite the Peace of 1713, and the territory remained effectively under the control of the Acadians and the Mi’kmaq while British pondered whether it was worthwhile to settle English people there. In the meantime, France held Cape Breton and engaged in trade with the Acadians.

Paul Mascarene was the commander at Annapolis Royal, a derelict fortress, de facto Capital and home also to Governor Phillips. Most of their efforts around that time were in trying to persuade the Acadians to sign loyalty oaths (a hopeless task that the King had insisted upon) and in defending against the Indians.

Following is Paul Mascarene’s memorandum to the Lords of Trade describing Nova Scotia, its people, and the challenges of running a small military outpost in an area which was hostile and foreign. It is taken from Selections from the public documents of the province of Nova Scotia, and the spelling is as found.

Paul Mascarene, from Wikipedia

I am sure that he didn’t look like this when living in the wilds of Nova Scotia


Acadia in 1720, as Seen by Paul Mascarene

The Boundaries having as yet not been agreed on between the British and French Governments in these parts as stipulated in the 10th Article of the treaty of Utrecht no just ones can be settled in this description. The extent of the province of Nova Scotia or Acadie, according to the notion the Britains have of it, is from the limits of the Government of Massachusetts Bay in New England, or Kennebeck River about the 44th degree North latitude, to Cape de Roziers on the South side of the entrance of the River of St. Lawrens in the 44th degree of the same latitude, and its breadth extends from the Eastermost part of the Island of Cape Breton to the South side of the River of St. Lawrence. Out of this large tract the French had yielded to them at the above Treaty the Islands situated at the mouth of the River St. Lawrence and in the Gulph of the same with the Island of Cape Breton.

The climate is cold and very variable even in the southermost part of this Country, and is subject to long and severe winters.

The soil notwithstanding this, may be easily made to produce all the supplies of life for the inhabitants which may more particularly appear when mention is made of each particular settlement. It produces in general, Wheat, Rye, Barley, Oats, all manner of pulse, garden roots and Herbs, it abounds in Cattle of all kinds, and has plenty of both tame and wild fowl. It is no less rich in its produce for what relates to trade. Its woods are filled with Oak, Fir, Pine of all sorts fit for masts, Pitch and Tar, Beach, Maple, Ash, Birch, Asp &c. There are also undoubtedly several iron and Copper mines the latter at Cape Doré have been attempted three different times, but the great expense which would attend the digging and thoroughly searching them has discouraged the undertakers, the whole Cape being of a vast heighth and an entire rock, through the crevices of which some bits of Copper spaed. There are good Coal mines and a quarry of soft stone near Chignecto, and at Musquash cove ten leagues from Annapolis Royal, as also in St. Johns River very good and plenty of white marble is found which burns into very good lime, feathers and furs are a considerable part of the trade of this Country, but the most material is the fishing of Cod which all the Coast abounds with, and seems to be inexhaustable. It is easy from hence to infer of how much benefit it is to Great Britain that two such considerable branches of trade as the supplies for Naval Stores, and the Fishery may remain in her possession, and if it should be objected that New England and Newfoundland are able to supply the demands of Great Britain on those two heads it may be easily replied, that the markets will be better, especially in relation to fish when Great Britain is almost the sole mistress of that branch of trade, and her competitors abridged of the large share they bear in it.

There are four considerable settlements on the south side of the Bay of Fundy, Annapolis Royal, Manis, Chignecto, and Cobequid which shall be treated on separately. Several families are scattered along the Eastern Coast which shall be also mentioned in their turn.

The Inhabitants of these Settlements are still all French and Indians; the former have been tolerated in the possession of the lands they possessed, under the French Government, and have had still from time to time longer time allowed them either to take the Oaths to the Crown of Great Britain, or to withdraw, which they have always found some pretence or other to delay, and to ask for longer time for consideration. They being in general of the Romish persuasion, cannot be easily drawn from the French Interest, to which they seem to be entirely wedded, tho’ they find a great deal more sweetness under the English Government. They use all the means they can to keep the Indians from dealing with the British subjects, and by their mediation spreading among the Savages several false Notions tending to make them diffident, and frighten them from a free intercourse with them, and prompting them now and then to some mischief which may increase that diffidence, and oblige them to keep more at a distance.

There are but two reasons which may plead for the keeping those French Inhabitants in this Country. 1st The depriving the French of the addition of such a strength, which might render them too powerful neighbours, especially if these people on their withdrawing hence are received and settled at Cape Breton; and secondly, the use that may be made of them in providing necessaries for erecting fortifications, and for English Settlements and keeping on the stock of cattle, and the lands tilled, till the English are powerful enough of themselves to go on, which two last will sensibly decay if they withdraw before any considerable number of British subjects be settled in their stead, and it is also certain that they having the conveniency of saw mills (which it will not be in our power to hinder being destroyed by them, at their going away) may furnish sooner and cheaper the plank boards &c. requisite for building.

The reasons for not admitting these Inhabitants are many and strong, and naturally deriving from the little dependance on their allegiance. The free exercise of their religion as promised to them, implies their having missionaries of the Romish persuasion amongst them, who have that ascendance over that ignorant people, as to render themselves masters of all their actions, and to guide and direct them as they please in temporal as well as in spiritual affairs. These missionaries have their superiors at Canada or Cape Breton, from whom it is natural to think, they will receive such commands as will never square with the English interest being such as these viz., Their forever inciting the Salvages to some mischief or other, to hinder their corresponding with the English; their laying all manner of difficulties in the way when any English Settlement is proposed or going on by inciting underhand the Salvages to disturb them, and making these last such a bugbear, as if they (the French) themselves durst not give any help to the English for fear of being massacred by them, when it is well known the Indians are but a handful in this country. And were the French Inhabitants (who are able to appear a thousand men under arms) hearty for the British Government, they could drive away, or utterly destroy the Salvages in a very little time. The French Inhabitants besides are for the generality very little industrious, their lands not improved as might be expected, they living in a manner from hand to mouth, and provided they have a good field of Cabbages and Bread enough for their families with what fodder is sufficient for their cattle they seldom look for much further improvement.

It is certain that British Colonists would be far more advantageous to the settling this Province, and would besides the better improvement of it, for which their Industry is far superior to the French who inhabit it at present, lessen considerably the expence in defending of it, not only in regard to fortifications, but also in regard to Garrisons, because the English Inhabitants would be a strength of themselves, whereas the French require a strict watch over them. This would also reconcile the native Indians to the English, which the other as mentioned before, endeavour to keep at a distance.

The neighbouring Government of the French at Cape Breton is not very desirous of drawing the Inhabitants out of this Country so long as they remain in it under a kind of Allegiance to France, especially if they are not allowed to carry their cattle, effects, grain, &c., which last would be more welcome in the barren country than bare Inhabitants, but is opposing with all its might and by the influence of the Priests residing here, their taking the oaths of Allegiance to Great Britain, and if even that oath was taken by them, the same influence would make it of little or no effect. That Government is also improving by the same means the diffidence of the Indians, and will make them instruments to disturb the British Settlements on the Eastern Coast of this Government, or any other place, which might check the supplies they have from hence for their support on their barren territories besides the jealousy in trade, and fear of this Government being too powerful in case of a War.

It would be therefore necessary for the interest of Great Britain, and in order to reap the benefit, which will accrue from the acquisition of this country, not to delay any longer the settling of it, but to go about it in good earnest to which it is humbly proposed, viz:

That the French Inhabitants may not be tolerated any longer in their non-allegiance, but may have the test put to them without granting them any further delay, for which it is requisite a sufficient force be allowed to make them comply with the terms prescribed them, which force ought to be at least six hundred men to be divided to the several parts already inhabited by the French and Indians, and might be at the same time a cover to the British Inhabitants who would come to settle in the room of the French. For an encouragement to those new Inhabitants, should be given free transportation, free grants of land, and some stock of Cattle out of what such of the French who would rather choose to withdraw, than take the oaths, might be hindered to destroy or carry away.

The expence this project would cost the Government, would be made up by the benefit, which would accrue to trade, when the country should be settled with Inhabitants, who would promote it, and would be a security to it and in a little time a small force of regular troops would be able to defend it, with the help of loyal Inhabitants.

The great expence the Government has been at already on account of this country, and the little benefit that has accrued from it is owing for the most part, to its being peopled with Inhabitants that have been always enemies to the English Government, for its evident from what has been said of the temper of the Inhabitants, and the underhand dealings of the Government of Cape Breton, that what orders are or may be given out by the Governor of this Province, without they are backed by a sufficient force, will be always slighted and rendered of non-effect.

It will be easy to judge how the number of Troops here proposed, ought to be disposed of by the description of every particular settlement and first …

Annapolis Royal is seated on the Southern side of the Bay of Fundy, about thirty leagues from Cape Sables. The entry from the Bay into the British River is of a mile long, and in the widest place about half a mile broad, this entry leads into a larger Basin where a vast number of ships may sagely anchor. Three leagues from the entry, and up the British river lies Goat Island; the ship channel between that and the main lies on the larboard side going up, it is narrow, but has water enough for the biggest ships, the other side of the Isle is full of shoals, and has a very narrow and difficult channel. Two leagues above Goat Island is the Fort, seated on a rising sandy ground on the South side of the River on a point formed by the British River and another small one called Jenny river. The lower Town lies along the first and is commanded by the Fort, the upper Town stretches in scattering houses a mile and half South East from the Fort on the rising ground twixt the two rivers. From this rising ground to the banks of each river, and on the other side of the less one, lies large plats of meadow which formerly were damn’d in, and produced good grain and sweet grass, but the dykes being broke down, are over flowed at every spring tide from Goat Island to five leagues above the Fort. On both sides of the British River are a great many fine farms Inhabited by about two hundred families. The tide flows that extent, but the river is not navigable above two leagues above the Fort, by any other than small boats. The Bank of this River is very pleasant and fruitful and produces wheat, rye and other grain, pulse, garden roots, herbs and the best cabbages of any place here abounds also cattle and fowls of all kinds and if the several good tracts of land along this river were well improved they would suffice for a much greater number of habitants than there is already.

The chief employment of the French Inhabitants now is farming and the time they have to spare they employ in hunting, and catching of Sable Martins. Their young men who have not much work at farming beget themselves to Fishing in the summer. The Fort is almost a regular square, has four Bastions, and on the side fronting the Point, which is formed by the junction of the two Rivers, it has a ravelin and a battery of large guns on the counterscarpe of the ravelin, which last with the battery, have been entirely neglected since the English had possession of this place and are entirely ruined. The works are raised with a sandy earth and were faced with sods, which being cut out of a sandy soil (the whole neck betwixt the two rivers being nothing else) soon mouldered away, and some part of the works needed repairing almost every spring. The French constantly repaired it after the same manner except part of the courtin, covered with the Ravelin, which they were obliged to face with pieces of timber some time before they quitted possession of this place. The English followed that last method in repairing of this Fort, reverting of it all round with pieces of round timber, of six or seven inches diameter, to the height of the Cordon, and raising a parapet of sod work, but whether by neglect of the workman, or those who had the overseeing of them, or their little thrift in carrying on these repairs, or some other reason, they put the Government to a prodigious deal of charge, and gave an entire disgust for any manner of repairs. Thus the fort laid for a great while tumbling down, till at the arrival of Governor Philipps, the orders from his Majesty signified by him to the French Inhabitants not pleasing them they shewed some forwardness to disturb the peace and to incite the Indians to some mischief, which made it necessary to put the fort into a posture of defence against the insults which might be offered to the Garrison which is too small of itself to encounter so great a number, as even the Inhabitants of this River, might make against it, they being able to arm and assemble four hundred men, in twenty four hours time. It is therefore humbly proposed in relation to this place, that till the Inhabitants are more loyal, two hundred men of regular Troops may remain garrisoned here, and that whilst a new projection for the fortifying of this place shall be agreed and carried, this fort may be next summer, thoroughly repaired, the sum demanded for these repairs, not exceeding eight hundred pounds sterling, by which this place will be put in a condition to last the time requisite for providing of materials, and building a stone redoubt &c., and may serve to secure the materials, and workmen, which otherwise will be much in danger. This project will be more particularly transmitted this fall to the Honorable Board of Ordnance.

Manis called by the French Les Mines has its name from the Copper Mines which are said to be about it especially at one of the Capes, which divides the Bay of Fundy, and is called Cap Des Mines or Cape Doré. This Town lies thirty leagues by sea and about twenty two by land, East North East from Annapolis Royal, of the same side of the Bay of Fundy. The harbor there, or rather the road, is very wild and unsecure. The vessels trading there, which seldom exceed forty or fifty tons in burthen, take the opportunity of the tide, which commonly rises nine or ten fathoms, and run up a Crick to the Town, where when the tide leaves them they lie dry on a bank of mud which stretches five or six miles before it meets with low water mark. This place might be made a Granary not only for this Province but also for the neighbouring Governments. There is a plat of Meadow which stretches along for near four leagues, part of which is dam’d in from the tide, and produces very good wheat and peas.

The rest of the Meadow might be with some labour dam’d in also, and if peopled by industrious Inhabitants might be of very great advantage, not only in regard to this Province but also, as mentioned above, for the supply of neighbouring Governments.

The houses which compose a kind of scattered Town lies on a rising ground along two Cricks which run betwixt it and the Meadow, and make of this last a kind of peninsula. This place has great Store of Cattle, and other conveniencies of life, and in the road they catch white porpoises, a kind of fish, the bladder of which turned into oil, yields a good profit.

The Inhabitants of this place and round about it are more numerous than those of the British river, besides the number if Indians which often resort here, and as they never had any force near them to bridle them, are less tractable and subject to command. All the orders sent to them if not suited to their humors, are scoffed and laughed at, and they put themselves on a footing of obeying no Government. It will not be an easy matter to oblige these Inhabitants to submit to any terms that do not suit to their humours unless a good force be landed there, and a Fort or redoubt of earth be thrown up and well ditched and friezed and palisaded till a more durable may be built; this redoubt must have four pieces of cannon (sakers) and command the meadow, which is their treasure. The force sent for that purpose must be three or four hundred men, the reason of which will appear, when it is considered, when the wildness of the harbour will not make it safe for any Ship of force to remain there to give countenance to such an undertaking, and then even if she could anchor safely, it must be at a distance of near twelve miles from the place where the said redoubt is to be built and that any other vessels, which must be employed to carry the troops, and workmen must lie ashore dry, sixteen hours at least of the twenty four, and may be liable to be burned, and thereby cut off the retreat of those employed in this work unless they are able to defend themselves and make head against the Inhabitants and the Indians; who will never suffer it to go on, if not kept in awe by a sufficient force. The redoubt ought to be capable of receiving a hundred and fifty men, which will be enough to curb the Inhabitants till they grow more loyal, or better be put in their stead.

Cobequid lies about twelve leagues North East of Manis, at the upper end of the Easternmost branch of the Bay of Fundy.

There are about fifty French Families settled in this place. The soil of which produces good grain, and abounds in cattle and other conveniencies of life. By a River the Inhabitants have communication with Chibucto a harbor on the Eastern Coast and by a road across the woods at a distance of about twenty leagues they fall into the Bay of Vert, in the Gulph of St. Lawrence, by which they drive a trade to Cape Breton. The Indians resort much to this place.

Chignecto is seated upon the Westermost branch of the Bay of Fundy almost at the upper end of it. The inhabitants are numerous having much increased of late years, and are about seventy or eighty families. This place is about twelve leagues distant from Manis having a communication by a river which discharges itself into Manis Rhoad.

This place produces good store of grain and abounds in Cattle more than any other. Within seven leagues of Cape Chignecto (which with Cape Doré divides the Bay of Fundy two branches) there are very good Coal Mines, but the want of shelter makes it dangerous for the vessels which come to receive it; they being forced to anchor in the open Bay. Near the town itself which lies four leagues beyond the coal mines, there is a small Island which has a good quarry of Soft Stone, it cuts in layers of four or six inches thick, and hardens soon after it is cut. The Inhabitants are more given to hunting and trading than those of the other settlements, which is partly occasioned by their being so conveniently seated for it. There being but a small neck of land of two leagues wide which parts the Bay of Fundy from the Gulph of St. Lawrence, by this last they have a continual intercourse with Cape Breton, carrying most of their Furs that way, and supplying it with provisions, of grain, cattle &c. and bringing for returns linens and other goods, to the prejudice of the British trade and manufactories. To put a stop to this, and to bring the Inhabitants of this place under obedience, who are the least subject to the English Government of any other here, it will be necessary that a small fort be built in some convenient place on this neck capable of containing one hundred and fifty men. This is the more so by reason the French having sent four Ships this Summer, with two hundred families, with provisions stores and materials for the erecting a fort and making a settlement on the Island St. Johns, which lies in the Bay of Verte, part of the Gulph of St. Lawrence, part of which Island (which is near fifty leagues long) is but at three or four leagues distance from the main, and six in all from Chignecto. When this settlement is made by the French, they will from thence command all the Trade and carry a greater sway, over all the Bay of Fundy, than the English, who are the undoubted owners but have only the name of possessors of it, till such measures are taken as are here humbly proposed. For it is to be remembered, that each of these places have a French Popish Missionary, who is the real chief Commander of his flock, and receives and takes his commands from his superiors at Cape Breton.

The lesser settlements on this Bay, and other parts of this Government shall be referred to another opportunity and at this time, the most material of all shall only be touched upon viz.,

Cansoe is an Island with several other leas ones adjoining, lying at a small distance from the Main, and at South East and North West from the Passage which boars the same name and separates the Island of Cape Breton from the main Continent. This place has been found so convenient and advantageous for catching and cureing Cod Fish that of late it has been the resort of numbers of English, as it was of French before the seizure made by Captain Smart in His Majesty’s Ship Squirell. This stroke was so grevious to the French, who were concerned in this loss, amongst which were some of the principal Officers of Cape Breton, that seeing they could not obtain the satisfaction they demanded, they have been all at work all this Spring, and incited the Indians to assemble at Canso and to surprise the English who were securely fishing there, (and did not expect such treatment) and having killed and wounded some and drove off the rest to Sea.

By means of this hurry and confusion whilst the Indians were plundering the dry good the French were robbing the fish and transporting of it away, till the English having recovered themselves sent after them, and seized several of their shallops and shareways, laden with English fish and other plunder, and made the robbers prisoners, and pursued the retreating Indians and took two of them also prisoners. Had it not been for this eruption twenty thousand Quintals of dry cod fish this season would have been exported out of this place, and the returns arising thereby, very considerable to Great Britain.

This is sufficient to show the necessity of supporting the British subjects, whom the advantage of the Fishery will draw every year, and induce to settle in this place, if they can be secured from the like insults by a Ship or armed Sloop countenancing them in summer, and a Port and Garrison protecting them in winter. This if encouraged is very likely to be the chief place for Trade tho’ not so conveniently situated for the chief seat of Government as Port Roseway, LaHave, Marligash, Chiboucto, or any other Harbor situate on the Eastern Coast of this Government; which by being near the centre, may best hold communication with the whole. But as neither of these harbors, have been as yet narrowly surveyed, and no sufficient information can be had about them, further mention thereof will be deferred to another opportunity, by

Mascarene, Engineer

Written by johnwood1946

October 25, 2017 at 8:11 AM

Posted in Uncategorized

Nova Scotia’s Sham Government in 1720

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From the blog at

Nova Scotia’s Sham Government in 1720

It was 1720, and Nova Scotia had been ceded to Britain by France. Britain was not sure that the territory was worth the trouble and expense of being settled, but they dispatched a Governor to oversee the area anyway. Governor Phillips was stationed with a small detachment of men at the decrepit old fort at Annapolis Royal and had instructions to befriend the Mi’kmaq and to have the Acadians sign loyalty oaths or leave the place within a year.

This assignment did not proceed smoothly, and Phillips characterized his administration as a mock government and a government in name only.

Following are two letters expressing Governor Phillips’ frustration. They are taken from Selections from the public documents of the province of Nova Scotia. I have edited the letters slightly to correct the spelling and to improve readability.

Richard Phillips presided over a so-called ‘Government’

From Wikipedia


Governor Philipps to Secretary Craggs,

Annapolis Royal, 26 Sept. 1720

Sir,— In my former letters I have had the Honour to lay before you the State of the King’s affaires in this part of his Majesty’s Dominions, with as much exactness as was possible. What hath happened since at Canso and the damage done there to the fishery, by way of reprisal (as the Savages put it) for what was taken from the French by Capt. Smart, is an unhappy confirmation that I have not been mistaken, for nothing is so evident as that our French Inhabitants and the neighbouring French Governments are both secret Enemies to the British interest in this Province & consult together how they may disturb and obstruct it being settled; especially at this juncture when they are busier than ordinary, seeing their hopes of this Country falling into their hands again as anticipated. And the Savages are the tools in their hands which they incite to mischiefs which they themselves dare not risk.

[The Mi’kmaq had seized a store of fish from the English, and the British had later recovered it.]

I need not trouble you here with the particulars of that misfortune, they being contained in the enclosed papers, and I shall only acquaint you that the fishermen being drove off from their Stages into their boats by the Savages who surprised them in the dead of the night, and their fish and merchandize left to the pillage of the French who lay ready for that purpose. The fishermen held a consultation the next morning and concluded to send a Sloop to Cape Breton to seek redress; but, not finding any, they sent to me by one Mr. Henshaw for relief. I dispatched him with arms, ammunition and provisions, & would have given him an Officer with a detachment from the Garrison but he thought there would be no need. This person brought me five French prisoners, taken in several Shallops leaden with the English fish merchandize. From his testimony you will see how far the Counsels of Cape Breton may have been involved in abetting this mischief. I also sent my Major with him to Cape Breton with copies of that testimony to demand restitution of the fish & goods, and Satisfaction for the loss of his Majesty’s subjects, three having been killed upon that occasion.

As to the Indians I have the honour to assure you, everybody here will confirm, that I have taken particular care to treat them in the most civil manner that ever any Governor yet has done. Nearly every week since I am here, some of them have been with me, whom I never failed to assure of his Majesty’s good will & protection, and required them to acquaint all their nation therewith and that I expected considerable Presents for them from the King in token of his affection. At the same time I never dismissed them without presents (which they always expect) for which I am out of pocket above a hundred & fifty pounds. But I am convinced that a hundred thousand will not buy them from the French interest while the Priests are among them; they having got in with them by the way of religion which brought them to regular confessions twice a year. They assemble punctually at those times & receive their absolution conditionally that they be always Enemies to the English.

* * * * * An attached addendum * * * * *

I had almost forgot to acquaint you that some of the Indian robbers who returned from Canso to Minas to the number of Eleven finding a New England trading Sloop there belonging to Mr. John Alden, and being flushed with their former success and applauded by the Priests they plundered her also at the very doors of the Inhabitants who looked on without restraining those wretches under the sham presence of being afraid of provoking them. I have written to them to demand a better reason for this behaviour, which is all I can do in my present circumstances but hope it will not be long thus.

This being the last opportunity this season that I may have the honour of writing to you, I therefore think it my duty (with submission) to tell you plainly that I find this Country in no likelihood of being brought under the King’s obedience upon the footing it is, and therefore it is necessary that the Government at home exert itself a little, and be at some extraordinary expense, for this has been hitherto no more than a mock Government, its authority having never yet extended beyond Cannon reach of this fort. I was in hopes (& signified as much in the last letter I had the honour to write you) that the addition of a hundred men more, with what I could draw from the Garrison of Placentia, might suffice for this work, but am now convinced it will require a greater number, and because I may not be thought to impose my own opinion in a matter of such consequence I have called a Council of the Chief Officers (some of which are of the King’s Council) to consider and propose the most reasonable & least expensive scheme for establishing the King’s authority in such manner and in such parts of this Province as may render it communicative over the whole, which proposal I have the honour to lay before you in an attachment.

The Inhabitants seem determined not to swear allegiance. I observe them going on with their tillage and building as if they had no thoughts of leaving their habitations. It is likely they flatter themselves that the King’s affaires here will always continue in the same feeble State. I am certain nothing but demonstration will convince them to the contrary.

The number of these people and how they are situated, with a description of their particular settlement and Country in general, is attached herewith, being the most exact & perfect account that has yet been given of this Province.

I heartily wish that this Expense was not absolutely necessary but, as things stand, it would be more for the honour and profit of the Crown to give back the Country to the French, than be contented with the name only of Government, whilst they bare the rule & make it subservient to the support of their settlement at Cape Breton; which could ill subsist without the grain & cattle they fetch from Minas &c.

I am with perfect duty and respect Sir, Your most humble and most obedient Servant,

R. Phillips

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

Governor Philipps to Secretary Craggs,

Annapolis Royal, 27 Sept 1720

Sir,— Before I could dispatch my letter, the answer from the Inhabitants of Minas to the letter I wrote them by advice of his Majesty’s Council upon the affair of Mr. Alden’s Sloop being plundered, came to my hand. A copy of this, send me in behalf of the Indians, is attached. You will observe that their Deputies’ excuses for their non-appearance is a confirmation of the little regard they pay to any orders of the Government, and how the Indians (whom they have set to work) are made to seem responsible for all their actions. The Jesuit-like phrasing of the letter plainly shows it to be the Priest’s writing, there not being one other Inhabitant in the Country capable of such a letter. What is therein mentioned of Mr. Broadstreet is literally thus viz: this Gentleman was sent from the Collector with deputy (and with my approbation) to reside at Minas as a preventive officer to observe the trade and correspondence those people carry on with Cape Breton, and to give an account thereof from time to time. This Office not suiting them, they told him that he could not be protected there, and therefore it was necessary for his safety to return, upon which he desired them to furnish him with a guide to direct him the safest way back through the woods. This not being obtained he ventured alone, but first wrote the enclosed letter to the Deputy he had applied to for the guide. This is their method of excusing their behaviour by turning it into a grievance on their side. You will observe that they pass over that part of my letter wherein I reminded to them my good will in presuming, contrary to my orders, to prolong the time for their evacuation, which they do not think fit to acknowledge, since they have prevailed with the Indians to set up their native right and title to the Country, as you will see by their answer or rather the Priest for them.

These are the effects the Proclamation hath produced, and their grounds for laying the blame, and making me the cause of this trouble, because the honour of publishing those his Majesty’s orders has fallen to my lot for they will not be persuaded that I have not done it of my own. This is what they should have been told eight years sooner, but it is not yet too late. I hope this will serve as a lucky occasion to hasten the securing the Country under the King’s dominion, which is a work that must be done sooner or later and the longer it is delayed the more difficult it will be.

I have the Honor of once more subscribing Sir, Your most humble and most obedient servant,

R. Phillips

Written by johnwood1946

October 18, 2017 at 8:32 AM

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Three Short Wabanaki Thunder Stories

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From the blog at

Three Short Wabanaki Thunder Stories

The Wabanaki are the allied people known as Mi’kmaq, Maliseet, Passamaquoddy, Abenaki, and Penobscot Indians.

These are stories of thunder and lightning, and how they came to be. They are taken from Charles Leland’s The Algonquin Legends of New England or, Myths and Folk Lore of the Micmacs, Passamaquoddy and Penobscot Tribes, London, 1884. I find these stories to be even more readable than the ones told by Silas Rand elsewhere in this blog.

The first story explains the origin and nature of thunder and lightning. Leland notes that “It seems to have nothing in common with the very widely spread myth that the thunder is the flapping of the wings of a giant bird, and the lightning the flashes of its eyes. The tradition is probably of Eskimo origin, supernatural beings partially of stone being common to Greenland and Labrador.” For ‘Eskimo’ we should probably read Inuit. The second story is the more traditional explanation for thunder and lightning, and in the final story, a Thunder and an Indian woman have a son who himself becomes one of the thunders.

(Aptly Named) Big Chief Thunder—Maliseet—1907

Abenaki/Wabanaki and Maliseet Culture and People website


The Hunter who Visited the Thunder Spirits on Mount Katahdin (Passamaquoddy)

N’karnayoo – Of old times: Once an Indian went forth to hunt. And he departed from the east branch of the Penobscot, and came to the head of another branch that leads into the east branch, and this he followed even to the foot of Mount Katahdin. And there he hunted many a day alone, and met none, till one morning in midwinter he found the track of snowshoes. So he returned to his camp; but the next day he met with it again in a far-distant place. And thus it was that, wherever he went, this track came to him every day. Then noting this, as a sign to be observed, he followed it, and it went up the mountain Katahdin which, being interpreted, means “the great mountain,” until at last it was lost in a hard snowshoe road made by many travelers. And since it was hard and even, he took off his agahmooh, or snowshoes, and went ever on and up with the road; and it was a strange path and strange was its ending, for it stopped just before a high ledge, like an immense wall, on a platform at its foot. And there were many signs there, as of many people, yet he saw no one. And as he stayed it seemed to grow stranger and stranger. At last he heard a sound as of footsteps coming, yet within the wall, when lo! a girl stepped directly out of the precipice upon the platform. But though she was beautiful beyond belief, he was afraid. And to his every thought she answered in words, and that so sweetly and kindly and cleverly that he was soon without fear, though he saw that she had powerful m’téoulin, or great magic power. And they being soon pleased one with the other, and wanting each other, she bade him accompany her, and that by walking directly through, the rock. “Have no fear,” said she, “but advance boldly!” So he obeyed, and lo! the rock was as the air, and it gave way as he went on. And ever as they went the maiden talked to him, answering his thoughts, so that he spoke not aloud.

And anon they came to a great cavern far within, and there was an old man seated by a fire, and the old man welcomed him. And he was very kindly treated by the strange pair all day: in all his life he had never been so happy. Now as the night drew near, the old man said to his daughter, “Can you hear aught of your brothers?” Then she went out to the terrace, and, returning, said, “No.” Then anon he asked her again, and she, going and returning as before, replied, “Now I hear them coming.” Then they listened, when lo! there came, as at the door without, a crash of thunder with a flash of lightning, and out of the light stepped two young men of great beauty, but like giants, stupendous and of awful mien. And, like their father, their eyebrows were of stone, while their cheeks were as rocks.

And the hunter was told by their sister that when they went forth, which was every few days, their father said to them, “Sons, arise! it is time now for you to go forth over the world and save our friends. Go not too near the trees, but if you see aught that is harmful to those whom we love, strike, and spare not!” Then when they went forth they flew on high, among the clouds: and thus it is that the Thunder and Lightning, whose home is in the mighty Katahdin, are made. And when the thunder strikes, the brothers are shooting at the enemies of their friends.

Now when the day was done the hunter returned to his home, and when there, found he had been gone seven years. All this I have heard from the old people who are dead and gone.

The Thunder and Lightning Men (Passamaquoddy)

This is truly an old Indian story of old time. Once an Indian was whirled up by the roaring wind: he was taken up in a thunderstorm, and set down again in the village of the Thunders. In after-times he described them as very like human beings: they used bows and arrows (tah-bokque), and had wings.

But these wings can be laid aside, and kept for use. And from time to time their chief gives these Thunders orders to put them on, and tells them where to go. He also tells them how long they are to be gone, and warns them not to go too low, for it is sure death for them to be caught in the crotch of a tree. The great chief of the Thunders, hearing of the stranger’s arrival, sent for him, and received him very kindly, and told him that he would do well to become one of them. To which the man being willing, the chief soon after called all his people together to see the ceremony of thunderifying the Indian. Then they bade him go into a square thing, or box, and while in it he lost his senses and became a Thunder. Then they brought him a pair of wings, and he put them on. So he flew about like the rest of the Thunders; he became quite like them, and followed all their ways. And he said that they always flew towards the sou’ n’snook, or, south, and that the roar and crash of the thunder was the sound of their wings. Their great amusement is to play at ball across the sky. When they return they carefully put away their wings for their next flight. There is a big bird in the south, and this they are always trying to kill, but never succeed in doing so.

They made long journeys, and always took him with them. So it went on for a long time, but it came to pass that the Indian began to tire of his strange friends. Then he told the chief that he wished to see his family on earth, and the sagamore listened to him and was very kind. Then he called all his people together, and said that their brother from the other world was very lonesome, and wished to return. They were all very sorry indeed to lose him, but because they loved him they let him have his own way, and decided to carry him back again. So bidding him close his eyes till he should be on earth, they carried him down.

The Indians saw a great thunderstorm drawing near; they heard such thunder as they never knew before, and then something in the shape of a human being coming down with lightning; then they ran to the spot where he sat, and it was their long-lost brother, who had been gone seven years.

He had been in the Thunder world. He told them how he had been playing ball with the Thunder boys: yes, how he had been turned into a real Thunder himself.

This is why the Indians to this very day have a firm belief that the thunder and lightning we hear and see are caused by (beings or spirits) (called) in Indian Bed-dag yek (or thunder), because they see them, and have, moreover, actually picked up the bed-dags k’chisousan, or thunder-bullet [thunderbolt]. It is of many different kinds of stone, but always of the same shape. The last was picked up by Peter Sabattis, one of the Passamaquoddy tribe. He has it yet. He found it in a crotch-root of a spruce-tree at Head Harbor, on the island of Campobello. This stone is a sign of good luck to him who finds it.

The thunder is the sound of the wings of the men who fly above. The lightning we see is the fire and smoke of their pipes.

Of the Woman who Married the Thunder, and of Their Boy (Passamaquoddy)

Once a woman went to the edge of a lake and lay down to sleep. As she awoke, she saw a great serpent, with glittering eyes, crawl from the water, and stealthily approach her. She had no power to resist his embrace. After her return to her people her condition betrayed itself, and she was much persecuted; they pursued her with sticks and stones, howling abuse.

She fled from the village; she went afar into wild places, and, sitting down on the grass, wept, wishing that she were dead. As she sat and wailed, a very beautiful girl, dressed in silver and gold, appeared, and after listening to her sad story said, “Follow me!”

Then they went up on high into a mountain, through three rocks, until they came into a pleasant wigwam with a very smooth floor. An old man, so old that he was all white, came to meet them. Then he, taking a short stick, bade her dance. He began to sing, and as he sang she gave birth, one by one, to twelve serpents. These the old man killed in succession with his stick as they were born. Then she had become thin again and was in her natural form.

The old man had a son, Badawk, the Thunder, and a daughter, Psawk-tankapic, the Lightning, and when Thunder returned he offered to take her back to her own people, but she refused to go. Then the old man said to his son, “Take her for your wife and be good to her.” So they were married.

In time she bore a son. When the boy could stand, the old man, who never leaves the mountain, called him to stand before him, while he fastened wings to the child. He was soon able, with these wings, to make a noise, which greatly pleased the grandfather. When a storm is approaching, the distant rumbling is the muttering thunder made by the child, but it is Badawk, his father, who comes in the dark cloud and makes the roaring crash, while Psawk-tankapic flashes her lightning.

In after days, when the woman visited her people, she told them that they never need fear the thunder or lightning.

Written by johnwood1946

October 11, 2017 at 8:32 AM

Posted in Uncategorized