This blog will continue to grow, but following is a table of contents so far – from the top:Francis Sharpe’s Woodstock Apples – Sept. 16, 2015
- An Account of Nova Scotia in 1743 – Sept. 30, 2015
- The Petition of the Infamous 55 – Sept. 23, 2015
- The Expulsion of the Acadians, a Military Surgeon’s Diary – Sept. 9, 2015
- The New Brunswick Election of 1785 – Sept. 2, 2015
- The Many Fires in Saint John, 1784-1877 – Aug. 26, 2015
- A Proposal for an Attack on N0va Scotia – Aug. 19, 2015
- Fredericton’s Great Flood of 1936 – Aug. 12, 2015
- A Letter about the Acadians and the Expulsion – Aug. 5, 2015
- Saint John in 1834, Before it was Forever Changed by the Great Fire – July 29, 2015
- New Brunswick, No Country for a Mere Gentleman, 1834 – July 22, 2015
- Woodstock, the Only Village Between the Green River and Fredericton in 1834 – July 15, 2015
- On the Tamiscouta Prtage from Lake Tamiscouta to just above Grand Falls, 1834 – July 10, 2015
- Men of Honor and Probity Run Amok – July 1, 2015
- By Steamer to the So-Called City of Fredericton – June 24, 2014
- A Quiet and Business-Like Little City – June 17, 2015
- Rambles Among the Bluenoses in 1862 – June 10, 2015
- Edward John Russell, a New Brunswick Artist – June 3, 2015
- Provincial Lunatic Asylum, Report of the Medical Superintendent, 1875 – May 27, 2015
- The Saint John River and Port Royal in the Early 1600’s – May 20, 2015
- What Should We Think of Benedict Arnold? – May 13, 2015
- Diphtheria in New Brunswick in the Year 1889 – May 6, 2015
- The Official Account of the Destruction of Burnt Church – Apr. 29, 2015
- The Exchange Coffee House and Saint John’s First Club – Apr. 22, 2015
- The Wigwams and Dwellings of the Gaspesians – Apr. 15, 2015
- The Story of Brook Watson – Apr. 8, 2015
- Where Stood Fort LaTour? – Apr. 1, 2015
- Things This Morning Really Wear the Aspect of War – Mar. 25, 2015
- At Portland Point – Mar. 18, 2015
- Electrical Power From the Reversing Falls – Mar. 10, 2015
- Father Rale’s War – 1722-25; How it Ended – Mar. 4, 2015
- What Was the Big Deal About the Marco Polo? – Feb. 25, 2015
- Grand Manan to Petitcodiac, in 1786 – Feb. 18, 2015
- A Trip From St. John to Fredericton in 1870 – Feb. 11, 2015
- A Tour of St. John, N.B., in 1870 – Feb. 4, 2015
- Destruction by Fire of the First Cathedral in Chatham – Jan. 28, 2015
- Burgan the Burglar – Jan. 21, 2015
- Facts and Reasons Against Confederating With Canada – Jan. 14, 2015
- Discontent in Early Halifax in 1756 – Jan. 7, 2015
- A Trip on the ICR From Bathurst to Miramichi – Dec. 31, 2014
- Early Attempts to Introduce the Cultivation of Hemp in Eastern British America – Dec. 24, 2014
- Touring Campbellton and Dalhousie, Despite the Mosquitoes, 1876 – Dec. 19, 2014
- The Fire of 1837 in Saint John – Dec. 10, 2014
- The Cruise of the Rechab – Dec. 3, 2014
- A Night in the Deep – Nov. 26, 2014
- Robert Foulis (A Misplaced Genius) – Nov. 19, 2014
- The City Mills – Nov. 15, 2014
- The Brothers d’Amours – Nov. 5, 2014
- John Allan’s Revolutionary Mission to the Saint John River – Oct. 29, 2014
- Relics of the Acadian Period – Oct. 22, 2014
- Some Odd Old Advertisements – Oct. 15, 2014
- The Miramichi Fire – Relief of the Sufferers – Oct. 8, 2014
- Jonathan Eddy’s Account of the Attack on Fort Cumberland, November, 1776 – Oct. 1, 2014
- Which of These Two is the Wisest and Happiest? – Sept. 24, 2014
- Fredericton Bridge, a Prophetic Writing – Sept. 17, 2014
- A Speech to Distinguished Persons of Stake and Consideration – Sept. 10, 2014
- Building an Education System From Almost Nothing – Sept. 3, 2014
- Cape Tormentine to the Baye des Chaleurs in the 1600’s – Aug. 27, 2014
- The Customs of the Mi’kmaq in the 1600’s and Before – Aug. 20, 2014
- Two Documents Relating to the Fenians in New Brunswick – Aug. 13, 2014
- The Lazaretto for Lepers in Tracadie, 1862 – Aug. 6, 2014
- Thoughts About the Augustine Mound at Metepenegiag Mi’kmaq Nation – July 30, 2014
- What am I Bid for This Pauper? – July 23, 2014
- Trouble at Madawaska, 1831 – July 16, 2014
- The Great Fire at Saint John, June 20, 1877 – July 9, 2014
- The Poor Fellows Shook as if They Would Fall to Pieces! – July 2, 2014
- How to Build a Logging Camp in Around 1850 – June 25, 2014
- Risen from the Ashes, Phoenix Square in Fredericton – June 18, 2014
- Rocks and Water, Magnificence and Squalor; St. John in 1876 – June 11, 2014
- Moncton as Seen by a Journalist in 1876 – June 4, 2014
- Events Leading to the Caraquet Riots of 1875 – May 28, 2014
- A Dramatic Account of the Miramichi Fire – May 21, 2014
- Saint John in the Early 1840’s – May 18, 2014
- A Note to Subscribers, and a Memorandum for me – May 14, 2014
- The Myth that Kerosene was Invented in New Brunswick – May 7, 2014
- A Church with Military Boots and Fixed Bayonets – Apr. 30, 2014
- An Opening Salvo in an Ongoing Argument – Apr. 23, 2014
- May living worms his corpse devour – Apr. 16, 2014
- He don’t look any better than some of our own boys – Apr. 9, 2014
- The Disputed Territory Between New Brunswick and Maine – Apr. 2, 2014
- Navigation on the Saint John River – Mar. 26, 2014
- Shepody as a Hot Investment Opportunity, 1868 – Mar. 19, 2014
- To Her Majesty, RE: Reciprocity, 1853 – Mar. 12, 2014
- Diary on the Tobique, 1851 – Mar. 5, 2014
- Growing up in Fredericton in the 1820s and 1830s – Feb. 26, 2014
- Travels From Eastport, Maine, to Fredericton, 1851 – Feb. 19, 2014
- The Saint John General Public Hospital, 19th Century, Part 2 of 2 – Feb. 12, 2014
- The Saint John General Public Hospital, 19th Century, Part 1 of 2 – Feb. 5, 2014
- The Story of the Great Brothers – Jan. 29, 2014
- A Trek up the Tobique, and Onward to Bathurst – Jan. 22, 2014
- Summer Tourists. A Manual for New Brunswick Farmers – Jan. 19, 2014
- A Trek from Grand Falls to Campbellton, 1862 – Jan. 15, 2014
- A Trek From Taymouth to Boisetown, 1862 – Jan. 12, 2014
- Capt. William Owen’s Journal, Campobello, 1770-71 – Jan. 8, 2014
- The Founding of Campobello Island – Jan. 5, 2014
- New Brunswick Roads and Railways, 1855 – Jan. 1, 2014
- Grand Manan – Dec. 29, 2013
- The Shipyard Fire in Saint John, in 1841 – Dec. 26, 2013
- Christmas as it Was in Saint John, in 1808 – Dec. 22, 2013
- The Saint John Grammar School – Dec. 18, 2013
- William Wishart Blasts the New Brunswick Education System, 1845 – Dec. 15, 2013
- The Diary of Sarah Frost – Dec. 11, 2013
- Pŭlěs, Pŭlowěch′, and Beechkwěch (Pigeon, Partridge, and Nighthawk) – Dec. 10, 2014
- The Government of New Brunswick, 1837 – Dec. 4, 2013
- The Whales and the Robbers – Dec. 1, 2013
- The Ashburton Treaty – Nov. 27, 2013
- Glooscap and His Four Visitors – Nov. 24, 2013
- The Pioneers of Saint Stephen – Nov. 20, 2013
- The Adventures of Kâktoogwâsees; a Tale of Ancient Times – Nov. 17, 2013
- The Asylum at Saint John – Nov. 13, 2013
- The Liver-Colored Giants and Magicians – Nov. 10, 2013
- Smuggling Between Calais and St. Stephen – Nov. 6, 2013
- The Two Weasels – Nov. 3, 2013
- A note to subscribers – Oct. 30, 2013
- The European and North American Railway, 1862 – Oct. 30, 2013
- The Origin of the War Between the Mi’kmaq and the Kwěděches – Oct. 23, 2013
- Trouble on the Line: The Early Telegraph in New Brunswick – Oct. 16, 2013
- The Invisible Boy; Team′ and Oochigeaskw – Oct. 9, 2013
- Transportation to and from Fredericton, 1841 – Oct. 2, 2013
- The Boy That Was Transformed Into a Horse – Sept. 25, 2013
- McAdam: Notes From the Early Days – Sept. 18, 2013
- The Magical Food, Belt and Flute – Sept. 11, 2013
- European & North American Rly. Staff, 1861 – Sept. 4, 2013
- Glooscap and the Megumoowesoo: A Marriage Adventure – Aug. 28, 2013
- The Loss of the Royal Tar – Aug. 21, 2013
- Robbery and Murder Revenged, Plus a Grand Falls Story – Aug. 14, 2013
- The St. John River From Below Fredericton to the Reversing Falls – Aug. 7, 2013
- A Proposal for a Wooden Railway – July 31, 2013
- ‘On the Early History of New Brunswick’ – July 24, 2013
- The Maugerville Settlement, 1763-1824 – July 17, 2013
- 1930 Circus Train Wreck Near Moncton, N.B. – July 10, 2013
- Horses or Oxen? Pick one – July 3, 2013
- The St. John River; Andover to Fredericton – June 26, 2013
- Origins of Some Place Names on N.B.’s Eastern Shore – June 19, 2013
- The St. John River; Grand Falls to the Tobique – June 12, 2013
- Gabriel Acquin – June 5, 2013
- The Seigniories of New Brunsiwck – May 29, 2013
- An 1841 Trek up the Oromocto River – May 22, 2013
- Fredericton’s Exhibition Palace, and Bears in N.B. – May 15, 2013
- Murder on Diamond Square Road – May 8, 2013
- Acadian Historic Sites in New Brunswick – May 1, 2013
- John C. Tracy’s Book, Part 5 of 5 – Apr. 24, 2013
- John C. Tracy’s Book, Part 4 of 5 – Apr. 17, 2013
- John C. Tracy’s Book, Part 3 of 5 – Apr. 10, 2013
- John C. Tracy’s Book, Part 2 of 5 – Apr. 3, 2013
- John C. Tracy’s Book, Part 1 of 5 – Mar. 27, 2013
- A Retrospective Look at Saint John – Mar. 20, 2013
- The Wreck of the England – Mar. 13, 2013
- The First Decade of the 1800’s in St. John, N.B. – Mar. 6, 2013
- St. John’s Poorhouse and Workhouse – Feb. 27, 2013, Rev. Sept. 9, 2015
- New Brunswick Scenes From an Old Book – Feb. 20, 2013
- Nice Pictures From Another Old Book – Feb. 13, 2013
- Life in the Backwoods of New Brunswick, Part 2/2 – Feb. 6, 2013
- Life in the Backwoods of New Brunswick, 1845 – Jan. 30, 2013
- The Works of W.O. Raymond – Jan. 23, 2013
- The Year of the Fever – Jan. 16, 2013
- Hanged for the Theft of 25 Cents – Jan. 9, 2013
- Reversing Falls – Pictures – Jan. 2, 2013
- Christmas as it was in 1808 – Dec. 25, 2012
- Nice Pictures From an Old Book – Dec. 19, 2012
- The Saint John Bridge Collapse of 1837 – Dec. 12, 2012
- The First Road Bridge Across the Reversing Falls – Dec. 5, 2012
- The Mystery of the First Lizzie Morrow – Nov. 28, 2012
- The First Murder Trial on the River St. John – Nov. 21, 2012
- The March of the 104th Regiment in 1812 – Nov. 14, 2012
- Partridge Island – Nov. 7, 2012
- Fredericton’s First Bridge Across the Saint John River – Oct. 31, 2012
- 1816, The Year Without a Summer – Oct. 31, 2012
- Winslow to Wentworth, 1781 – Oct. 31, 2012
- Oops! An explanation – Oct. 31, 2012
- The Saxby Gale of 1869 – Oct. 31, 2012
- New Brunswick’s Third Town in 1838: Saint Andrews – Oct. 31, 2012
- Fredericton and York County in 1838 – Oct. 31, 2012
- The City and County of Saint John in 1838 – Sept. 26, 2012
- The St. Andrews and Quebec Railroad – Sept. 19, 2012
- The Studholm Report of Saint John River Pre-Loyalists in 1783 – Sept. 12, 2012
- Caleb Jones. Further RE: Ann, otherwise known as Nancy – Sept. 5, 2012
- The Wreck of the Martha – Aug. 29, 2012
- The Early Settlement of Maugerville and the Sheffield Parsonage Dispute – Aug. 22, 2012
- Lieutenant Governors of New Brunswick to Confederation, Part 2 of 2 – Aug. 15, 2012
- Lieutenant Governors of New Brunswick to Confederation, Part 1 of 2 – Aug. 8, 2012
- The Morrow House at French Lake, N.B. – New Information – Aug. 1, 2012
- Sound by Glen Glenn, Revision 1 – July 25, 2012
- Ann, otherwise known as Nancy – July 18, 2012
- The Fire of October 7, 1825 – Beyond the Miramichi – July 11, 2012
- Lemuel Allan Wilmot – July 4, 2012
- The Great Fire at Miramichi, October 7, 1825 – June 27, 2012
- Robert Rankin in New Brunswick – June 20, 2012
- Who Owned the Mill at Tracy, New Brunswick? – June 13, 2012
- Signatures of Sunbury County Ancestors – June 6, 2012
- Daniel Wood’s Log Cabin, and Little Field Barn at French Lake, New Brunswick – May 30, 2012
- Rusagonis and George Garraty – May 23, 2012
- Epitaph Transcriptions from a Collection – May 16, 2012
- Central New Brunswick Gravestones from a Genealogy – May 9, 2012
- Nashwaak River Pictures with Stewart Family Connections – May 2, 2012
- More Sunbury County Photographs from a Collection – Apr. 25, 2012
- An Indian Burial Ground at Oromocto; and Coal Mining on the Oromocto River – Apr. 22, 2012
- “Days of Old” by Katherine DeWitt and Norma Alexander – Apr. 18, 2012
- The Wood Cemetery at French Lake, New Brunswick – Apr. 11, 2012
- James Glenie in New Brunswick – Apr. 4, 2012
- Four Generations of the Stewart Family on the Nashwaak River – Mar. 28, 2012
- Three Generations of the Mersereau Family in New Brunswick – Mar. 21, 2012
- Three Generations of the Smith Family of Sunbury County, New Brunswick – Mar. 14, 2012
- Three Generations of the Wood Family of French Lake, New Brunswick – Mar. 7, 2012
- New Brunswick Education in 1883 – Feb. 29, 2012
- Riots and Demonstrations in Saint John – Feb. 20, 2012
- Making Better Butter – Feb. 18, 2012
- York County Place Names, 1896/1905 – Feb. 8, 2012
- Sunbury County Place Names, 1896/1905 – Feb. 1, 2012
- Stereoscopic slides from Fred Stewart, Part 3 of 3 – Jan. 25, 2012
- Stereoscopic slides from Fred Stewart, Part 2 of 3 – Jan. 18, 2012
- Stereoscopic slides from Fred Stewart, Part 1 of 3 – Jan. 11, 2012
- The Hon. Thomas Baillie: Gone, but not soon forgotten! – Jan. 5, 2012
- The Fort at Oromocto, 1780 – 1783 – Dec. 29, 2011
- The Great Fire in Fredericton, 1850 – Early Accounts – Dec. 15, 2011
- The Morrow House at French Lake, and More – Dec. 8, 2011
- The Old Woman House at French Lake, New Brunswick – Dec. 1, 2011
- Smith Family Photographs from a Collection, Sunbury County, N.B. – Nov. 25, 2011
- French Lake from Before we Remember – Nov. 20, 2011
- How Geary became known as Geary – Nov. 9, 2011
- Elizabeth (Smith) Secord; N.B.’s First Woman Registered Doctor – Nov. 4, 2011
- Phillips Family Photographs from a Collection, Rusagonis, N.B. – Nov. 2, 2011
- Mersereau Family Photographs from a Collection, Sunbury County, N.B. – Oct. 30, 2011
- Wood Family Photographs from a Collection, French Lake, N.B. – Oct. 25, 2011
- Jeremiah Tracy: Pioneer of the Village of Tracy, New Brunswick – Oct. 20, 2011
- Two Old Railroad-Inspired Songs – Oct. 16, 2011
- Ode to the Oromocto River – Oct. 10, 2011
- John Mersereau, Loyalist 2 – Oct. 4, 2011
- The Earliest American Railroads and Locomotives – Sept. 14, 2011
- The Mersereau Manufacturing Company of Brooklyn, New York, Notes – Sept. 3, 2011
- George Morrow of French Lake, New Brunswick – 1801-1868 – Aug. 26, 2011
- The Wood Family of French Lake, New Brunswick – Legends – Aug. 9, 2011
- The Baptist Church on the Oromocto River in New Brunswick – Aug. 7, 2011
- John Wood of French Lake, New Brunswick – 1788-1868 – Aug. 2, 2011
- Daniel Wood of French Lake, New Brunswick – 1764-1847 – Aug. 1, 2011
- Three Stewarts on the Nashwaak – July 24, 2011
- Bunker Genealogy – Five Bunkers – July 20, 2011
- Statistics From the 1851 and 1871 Sunbury County New Brunswick Census Reports – July 19, 2011
- Historical Development of the Beam Bending Equation M=fS – July 18, 2011
- Seth Noble, Maugerville and the American Revolution – July 16, 2011
- Columns, the Long and the Short of it – 1729-1900 – July 15, 2011
- The Great Saint John Steel Cantilever Bridge – July 13, 2011
- The Upper Oromocto River in 1847 – July 11, 2011
- Early Glimpses of the Rusagonis Baptist Church in New Brunswick – July 11, 2011
- Abraham Gesner’s 1847 Observations of Sport Hunting in New Brunswick – July 11, 2011
- It Sounds a bit Too Easy – July 10, 2011
- James Buncker – July 10, 2011
- Inconsistent Petitions; Changed Self-Interests – July 10, 2011
- Abner Mersereau and a Letter – July 9, 2011
- Early Glimpses of the Patterson Settlement Baptist Church in New Brunswick – July 9, 2011
- The Textile Mill at Geary, New Brunswick – July 8, 2011
- Letter of Mi’kmaq’ Chief Pemmeenauweet to Queen Victoria – 1841 – July 7, 2011
- New Brunswick in the 1840s – July 7, 2011
From the blog at http://JohnWood1946.wordpress.com
Following is a report written in 1743, describing the then British colony of Nova Scotia, which included New Brunswick. Nova Scotia had very few English settlers at the time, and the military protection force was hardly worth mention. This, and the fact that peace between England and France was forever fragile, may explain the otherwise irrational preoccupation with the Acadians as a third-force in any dispute.
John T. Bulmer noted in the introduction that this was likely part of Ward Chipman’s file supporting British claims in border disputes with the United States. The paper is older than that, of course. It is also apparent that the Peace of Utrecht did not finally settle competing British and French claims to territory. The French never accepted that they had ceded anything more than the peninsular part of Nova Scotia, and lengthy Indian wars ensued. Some of these disputes are discussed in other postings in this blog.
This is from Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society for the Years 1879-80, Volume 1, Halifax, 1878. Spelling is as found.
The Treaty of Utrecht
Displayed at Fort Anne National Historic Site, Annapolis Royal. From notabletravels.com.
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
An Account of Nova Scotia in 1743
As this description may be taken to be substantially a correct account of the Province, immediately preceding the settlement of Halifax, in 1749, it is thought worthy of publication. It was prepared a few years previous to this date by the Board of Trade, at the instance of the Lords Justices, and was doubtless one of the many documents used by the Commissioners for settling the limits of Acadia. It is presumed that it was again used for a similar purpose by the Commissioners who sat under the Jay Treaty, in 1796, and following years, to determine which was the St. Croix of the Treaty of 1783. The late Hon. Ward Chipman, at this convention, acted as the Agent of the Crown, and, as this paper came out of the possession of the Chipman heirs, it is safe to assume that it was used at the convention, in support of the British case. It came into the archives of the Historical Society through the favor of J.W. Lawrence, Esq., of St. John, N.B., the author of a valuable paper on The First Courts and Early Judges of New Brunswick.
To Their Excellencies the Lords Justices.
May it please your Excellencies.
In obedience to your Excellencies commands signified to us by Mr. Weston in his letter of the 11th instant, We lay before your Excellencies the present state and condition of Nova Scotia.
This Province during the last French War was reduced by the British Arms, and surrendered by Lewis the 14th at the Treaty of Utrecht to her late Majesty Queen Anne.
It is provided by the 12th Article of that “The most Christian King shall take care to have delivered to the Queen of Great Britain on the same day that the Ratifications of this Treaty shall be exchanged, solemn and authentick letters or Instruments, by virtue whereof it shall appear, that the Island of St. Christophers is to be possessed alone hereafter by British subjects, likewise all Nova Scotia, or Accadie, with its ancient boundaries, as also the City of Port Royal, now called Annapolis Royal, and all other things in those parts, which depend on the said Lands and Islands, together with the Dominion, Propriety and Possession of the said Islands, Lands, and Places, and all right whatsoever, by Treaties or by any other way obtained, which the most Christian King, the Crown of France, or any the subjects thereof, have hitherto had to the said Islands, Lands and Places, and the Inhabitants of the same are yielded and made over to the Queen of Great Britain and to her Crown for ever, as the most Christian King doth at present yield and make over all the particulars abovesaid, and that in such ample manner and form, that the subjects of the most Christian King shall hereafter be excluded from all kind of Fishing in the said Seas, Bays and other Places, on the Coasts of Nova Scotia, that is to say, on those which lye toward the East, within Thirty Leagues beginning from the Island commonly called Sable, inclusively, and thence stretching along towards the South West.”
But notwithstanding Nova Scotia was thus given up with its ancient Boundaries, and nothing is excepted out of this Cession, but Cape Breton and the other Islands lying in the mouth of the River St. Lawrence and Gulf of the same name, which by the subsequent article are given to France; yet the French have since the Treaty of Utrecht frequently set up claims to different parts of the said Province, and pretend to confine the British Title to the bare Peninsula of Accadie. Whereas the ancient Boundaries of this Province, as appears by a grant from King James the first to Sir William Alexander (aftewards Earl of Sterling) bearing date the 10th Sept. 1621, contain all the Lands and Islands lying within the Promontary commonly called Cape Sables being in forty three degrees of North Latitude or thereabouts, thence Westerly to the Bay commonly called St. Mary’s Bay and from thence Northerly in a strait line by the mouth of that great Bay (which runs easterly up the Country, and divides the two nations called Suriquois and Etichemenes) to the River St. Croix, thence Westerly to the head of that River, thence Northerly to the next Bay, which discharges itself in the River St. Lawrence, thence easterly along the coast to the Bay of Gaspe, thence South easterly to the Bacalio Islands or Cape Breton, and leaving that Island on the Right, and the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and Newfoundland and the Islands thereto belonging on the left, thence to Cape Breton in the Latitude of forty-five degrees or thereabouts, thence South West to Cape Sables again.
The Government of this Province both Civil and Military is entirely in His Majesty, but as there are hitherto few or no English settled here, besides the Garrison of Annapolis, except two or three families at that Place, and four or five more whom the advantage of the Fishery at Canco has drawn thither, there is very little Room for the Exercise of Civil Government, neither has His Majesty any Revenue in this country, the Lands being not yet peopled nor granted out upon Quiet [sic] Rents, as in the other Colonies, except only some small Quiet Rents payable by the French Inhabitants, and purchased not many years since by His Majesty of Mrs. Campbell, a French Gentlewoman descended from the Family of LaTour, who were formerly Lords of the Soil, under the French Government there.
The Principal Town in this Province is Annapolis, but there are two others of less note, Minas and Sheganeckto both settled by French Inhabitants, who have remained there ever since the Cession of this Country to her late Majesty Queen Anne, but are entirely in the French interest, and by their communication and Intermarriages with the neighbouring Indians have gained them to their party, whereby they are enabled upon any occasion to engage the said Indians in a War against His Majesty’s subjects; and by some former accounts from Nova Scotia, there is too much reason to believe, that they have heretofore used their endeavours to instigate the said Indians against the Garrison of Annapolis, and others His Majesty’s subjects fishing at Canco, and upon the Coast of Nova Scotia. These Inhabitants at the Treaty of Utrecht were about 2500 and are very much encreased since that time.
The little Trade driven in this Country till of late years, was entirely in their hands, it consisted chiefly in Fish, which has some years been more plentifull here, than on any other Coast of America. They have likewise some Furs and cattle, but whatever Products or Merchandize the French Inhabitants have to dispose of, is generally transported by them either to Cape Breton, Quebeck, or directly to France, which is much to the prejudices of Great Britain.
It was provided by the Treaty of Utrecht, that the French Inhabitants of Nova Scotia should have a year allowed them to remove from thence with their effects, and such as remained beyond that time, which is long since elapsed, were by the Treaty to become subjects to her said late Majesty, but these People, being influenced by their Priests, did, till the year 1730, unanimously refuse to take the oaths of allegiance to His Majesty, unless they might be allowed an exception in favor of France, which would have rendered their engagements ineffectual, And tho’ they have at last been prevailed upon to take the Oaths, they have done it with great Reluctance, and in all probability would join their Countrymen, in ease of a French War against His Majesty’s subjects.
If this Country was well settled it would be capable of a very extensive Trade. There are to be had as good Masts as any in all America, in great Plenty; Pitch, Tar, Rosin and Turpentine may be made in all parts of the Country, and Hemp and Flax might be raised there without great expense. To which in our opinion all due encouragement should be given; that Great Britain may in time become Independant of her Northern Neigbours for Naval Stores.
But the Branch of Trade in this Country, which seems of most importance at present, is that of the Fishery upon the Coast from Cape Sable to the Gut of Canso, which has some years produced a very considerable Profit to His Majesty’s Subjects, and tho’ of late it has declined, yet with due Encouragement and, protection, it might very probably be recovered and augmented. But the Indians have sometimes disturbed Our Fishermen and the French from Cape Breton contrary to the Treaty of Utrecht, (by which they are expressly excluded from all kinds of fishing on the Coast, which lye towards the East beginning from the Island commonly called Sables inclusevely, and thence stretching along towards the South West) do constantly interfere with us in this valuable Fishery, to which they have set up an unreasonable Pretence, as may appear by disputes we have formerly had with them concerning the Fishery of Canso. For which reason it would be for His Majesty’s Service, that some small Forts might be built without loss of time in proper places upon the Coast Islands from Cape Sable to the Gut of Canso for the security of this trade, and particularly on St. George’s Island, which is one of those, that forms the Cape of Canso, and has the command of the little Bay there which will be more necessary in regard that there are no forts or fortifications in this Province, but one at Annapolis Royal in the Bay of Fundy, and that too, in a very bad condition.
Nor has his Majesty any forces in this Country besides Nine Companies of General Philip’s Regiment of 31 private men each, which only amount, officers and soldiers included, to three hundred and sixty men.
Five of these Companies are stationed at Annapolis, and the other four at Canco, for the defence of the Fishery. But these two Bodies are so far separated, that one of them cannot possibly support the other, nor can they even communicate their distresses for want of a small Vessel to carry Intelligence.
Whereas it appears by an authentic account from those parts, that in the year 1738, the French at Cape Breton were very strong, that they had several Forts and Batteries in that Island, whereon were mounted no less than 124 Great Guns, whereof 52 are 48 pounders, 26, 36 pounders, 24, 24 pounders and 22, 18 pounders, besides several large Cannon not yet mounted. That they then had about seven hundred Regular Troops there, besides the Civil Inhabitants, That they gave all manner of encouragement to such People as were willing to settle with them; and they have actually settled some other Islands on the Coast of Nova Scotia, particularly that of St. John in the Bay of St. Lawrence.
And as this Province is entirely flanked on another side by Canada and the River of St. Lawrence, in all probability upon a Rupture with France, the French would be able to possess themselves of it, without any great Difficulty, unless some Fortifications were built there in proper places, and a more powerful land & sea Force sent thither to protect the Country.
All which is most humbly submitted.
BLADEN, R. PLUMER, JAS. BRUDENELL, B. KEENE.
WHITEHALL, August 23d, 1743.
From the blog at http://JohnWood1946.wordpress.com
The following is extracted from The London Lawyer, a Biographical Sketch of Elias Hardy, by W.O. Raymond, and is the story of the petition to Guy Carleton in New York in 1783, asking for preferential benefits to fifty-five prominent Loyalists because of the high positions which they had held in society, all of which had been lost in the American Revolution. This petition caused an uproar among the other Loyalists of New York and Parr Town (Saint John) and was one of many complaints leading to unrest among the refugees. So great was the consternation, that one Loyalist wrote a protest poem in the Royal St. John Gazette in 1784 referring to the Rev. John Sayre, one of the fifty-five: “The choicest tracts for some reserv’d, whilst their betters must be starv’d. May he the author of our woes, far fiercer than our rebel foes, have his due portion near a lake, which is ordained for such a fate. May living worms his corpse devour, him and his comrades fifty-four.”
General Guy Carleton, Commander in New York
From Culture et Communications, Quebec
The Petition of the Infamous Fifty-Five
The first occasion of which I [W.O. Raymond] have been able to find any record in which [Elias Hardy] played a prominent part in public affairs was at the time of the evacuation of New York in the summer of 1783, when he figured as one of the leaders of the opposition to the scheme of Col. Abijah Willard and his associates for securing extensive land grants in Nova Scotia. The associates referred to, numbering 55 in all, submitted a memorial to Sir Guy Carleton, in which they represented that their positions in society had been very respectable and that previous to the revolution they had possessed much influence in their several communities. Having lost nearly all they possessed, they now intended to remove to Nova Scotia, and desired that the same grants of land allowed in the case of field officers of the army might pass to each of them, and that if possible the lands should be conveyed free from quit-rents and other encumbrances.
The lands desired by the “55” petitioners were supposed to include the best and most available locations along the St. John River, these lands being then, of course, included within the bounds of Nova Scotia.
When the terms of the petition were understood, there was much excitement not unmixed with indignation, on the part of the general body of Loyalists remaining in New York, and a copy of the obnoxious memorial forwarded to the settlers at the mouth of the river St. John, caused an equal degree of dissatisfaction in that locality.
To counteract the design of Abijah Willard and his associates, a public meeting was held on Friday, the 8th day of August, at Roubelet’s tavern in New York. The sentiments of those assembled were voiced by Samuel Hake, Elias Hardy and others, and a committee consisting of the gentlemen named with Capt. Henry Law and Tertullus Dickenson, was appointed to prepare a memorial for presentation to Sir Guy Carleton relative to the matter. The following notice in the columns of an old New York paper is of special interest in this connexion:—
New York, Friday, August 8th, 1783
The gentlemen who attended this afternoon at the meeting of the Loyalists at Roubalet’s Tavern are hereby informed that the memorial to the commander-in-chief will be left at the same place for their signatures at 10 o’clock tomorrow morning.
N.B., It is earnestly requested that all persons who propose settling in Nova Scotia will call and peruse the said material and sign it should it meet their approbation.
The response to the invitation was hearty and immediate and when the document was presented to Sir Guy Carleton it bore a formidable array of signatures. The style of composition in the memorial affords strong ground for assuming it to have been in a large measure the production of Hardy, who wielded the pen of a ready writer. The memorial is quite too interesting from a historic standpoint to be passed by. It is therefore inserted in full:—
To His Excellency Sir Guy Carleton, Knight of the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, General, and Commander in Chief, etc., etc.:—
The memorial of the subscribers humbly sheweth: That your memorialists having been deprived of very valuable landed estates and considerable personal properties within the lines, and being also obliged to abandon their possessions in this city, on account of their loyally to their sovereign, and attachment to the British constitution, and seeing no prospect of their being reinstated, had determined to remove with their families and settle in his majesty’s province of Nova Scotia, on the terms which they understood were held out equally to all his majesty’s persecuted subjects.
That your memorialists are much alarmed at an application which they are informed 55 persons have joined in to your excellency, soliciting a recommendation for tracts of land in that province amounting together to 275,000 acres; and that they have dispatched Agents to survey the unlocated lands, and select the most fertile spots and desirable situations.
That chagrined as your memorialists are at the manner in which the late contest has been terminated and disappointed as they find themselves, being left to the enmity of their enemies on the dubious recommendation of their leaders, they yet hoped to find an asylum under British protection, little suspecting there could he found amongst fellow sufferers, persons ungenerous enough to attempt engrossing to themselves so disproportionate a share of what government has allotted for their common benefit, and so different from the original proposals.
That your memorialists apprehend some misrepresentations have been used to procure such extraordinary recommendations, the applications for which have been most studiously concealed, until now they boast its being too late to prevent the effect. Nor does it lessen your memorialists surprise to observe that the persons concerned (several of whom are said to be going to Britain) are most of them in easy circumstances, and with some exceptions, more distinguished by the repeated favors of government than by either the greatness of their sufferings, or the importance of their services.
That your memorialists cannot but regard the grants in question, if carried into effect, as amounting nearly to a total exclusion of themselves and families, who, if they become settlers, must either content themselves with barren or remote lands or submit to be tenants to those, most of whom they consider as their superiors in nothing but deeper art and keener policy. Thus circumstanced,
Your memorialists humbly implore redress from your excellency, and that inquiry be made into their respective losses, services, situations and sufferings; and if your memorialists should be found equally entitled to the favor and protection of government with the former applicants, that they may be all put upon an equal footing; but should those that first applied be found, on a fair and candid inquiry more deserving than your memorialists, then your memorialists humbly request that the locating of their extensive grants may at least be postponed until your memorialists have taken up some small portions as may be allotted to them.
And your memorialists as in duty bound will ever pray, etc.
The closing paragraph of the above memorial reveals the distress to which the unfortunate Loyalists had been reduced by the ungenerous conduct of their fellows. In the community at the mouth of the river St. John there was general uneasiness and apprehension. Vague and alarming rumors filled the air, followed by hostile demonstrations against the government of Nova Scotia. Murdoch in his History of Nova Scotia confesses his inability to understand the ground of this hostility, but a few moments consideration will throw light upon the subject. There were at this time some thousands of Loyalists encamped at the mouth of the St. John River all anxiously awaiting some definite information with regard to their lands. These lands had been promised them in the king’s name ere they left New York. The hope of speedily establishing themselves in new homes on British soil was the beacon star that led them northward and eastward. But landed in the Acadian wilderness they found no adequate preparations had been made for their coming. Congregated in huts and tents on the rocky hillsides weeks and months passed by in which preparations should have been made for the coming winter, and still they remained in helpless inactivity because of the vexatious delay in allotting the lands. Doubtless the old sergeant was the spokesman of a large number of his fellows when he addressed to Edward Winslow the words “We like the country only give us some place we can call our own.” The imperfect and uncertain means of communication with the authorities at Halifax served to increase the anxiety and perplexity of the poor victims of hope deferred. They were in no position to appreciate the difficulties which beset Governor Parr and his council in their desperate endeavors to provide not only for the immediate wants of the thousands so unexpectedly thrown upon their hands but also for their speedy settlement in some 30 or 40 different and widely separated localities. Still making all due allowance for the exigencies of the times it would appear that the Loyalists at St. John had substantial grounds for irritation. When Capt. John Munro made his tour of the St. John river valley in the summer of 1783 as agent for the proprietors of the Canada Company’s lands in the townships Burton, Sunbury, and Newtown, he may have been perfectly right in saying, “It will be the ruin of the Refugees so many settling at Fort Howe, they would have done better had they gone into the woods.” Colonel Morse in his well-known report on Nova Scotia in the year 1784 may have been especially correct in saying that “it was much to be lamented the great exertions displayed by the Loyalists in building astonishing towns at Port Roseway and at the mouth of the river St. John bad not been more profitably directed in cultivating their lands.” The real trouble was they had no lands to cultivate. Many who came to the river St. John with the intention of becoming farmers were obliged to content themselves with a lot 40 by 100 feet in the town of Parr, and to build thereon a shelter for the coming winter. The following season some of these removed to lands allotted them in the interior of the country, others remained as permanent settlers at St. John, and others again discouraged by the outlook abandoned the country.
When the news of the attempt of the “fifty-five” associates to procure for themselves 275,000 acres of the best unappropriated lands on the St. John River arrived at Parr Town, mutterings, as of a coming storm, were heard. In their indignation the Loyalists assumed that they were the victims both of deliberate neglect on the part of the Nova Scotia authorities and also of the cupidity of a small aristocratic clique of self-seekers in their own ranks, with whose designs Governor Parr was believed to be in sympathy. The hostile demonstrations which now broke out the governor vainly attempted to remedy by removing the ring leaders across the Bay of Fundy. The governor’s presence and personal influence might have done something to restore tranquility at the town which was named in his honor but it does not appear that he ever visited that portion of his province that lay north of the peninsula.
At this time an agreement was signed by 400 individuals to remove from St. John to Passamaquoddy where it was believed some good lands were still available.
The firmness and decision of Sir Guy Carleton did much to dispel the anxiety of the Loyalists at New York, for when Elias Hardy and his friends waited upon him with their memorial, they met with a most favorable reception. “His excellency informed them that from information received within the last few days, he had reason to believe that no one person would obtain a larger grant of lands in Nova Scotia than 1,000 acres. That the power of issuing patents for lands there resided solely in the governor, to whom he would immediately forward their memorial, which he apprehended would arrive before patents could be made out for the tract of land mentioned in it. It was his excellency’s opinion no person should be allowed to take up lands in Nova Scotia but those who meant to reside there until the Loyalists were first served. In dismissing the committee Sir Guy assured them he would do everything in his power for the memorialists and believed that they would have no cause to complain.
One is surprised to find among the famous “fifty-five” petitioners the names of men who were afterwards closely and honorably identified with the early history of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. In some instances, doubtless, their names were appended to the petition without a full understanding of all that it involved. Among the signers were: William Campbell, for 20 years mayor of the city of St. John; Bartholomew Crannell, first clerk of the St. John common council; Ward Chipman first recorder of St. John, afterwards judge of the supreme court and at the time of his decease, administrator of the government of the province; William Wanton, first collector of customs at St. John; Abijah Willard and Christopher Billopp, memberrs of His Majesty’s executive council for the province; James Peters, agent for the settlement of the Loyalists and for many years a member for Queens county; Harry Peters and Colin Campbell, members for Queens and Charlotte counties respectively; Thomas Knox, deputy commissary to the disbanded troops and Loyalist settlers on the St. John, and subsequently province agent in London; Col. E.G. Lutwyche. province agent in London, A.D., 1808-1815; Thos Horsfield, an old St. John magistrate and first warden of Trinity church; John Sayre, agent for the settlement of the Loyalists and afterwards first rector of Maugerville; George Panton, first rector of Shelburne, and Charles Inglis, first bishop of Nova Scotia.
From the blog at http://JohnWood1946.wordpress.com
Francis Peabody Sharp was born in 1823, and died in Woodstock in 1903. He was a pioneer apple-grower in New Brunswick, and established a large enterprise in Woodstock at a time when few others were interested in apple-growing as a business. He is especially remembered for his production of new apple varieties, and for propagating apples by a variety of methods.
The following description of Sharp’s operation was written in 1900 by W. Albert Hickman, and is taken from his Hand Book of New Brunswick (Canada) which was commissioned by the Crown Lands Department in Fredericton. Hickman entitled it Apple Raising in Carleton County, but I will call it Francis Sharp’s Woodstock Apples.
Francis Peabody Sharp
From the Carleton County Historical Society, Inc.
Francis Sharp’s Woodstock Apples
Under this heading I wish to refer to the famous Sharp Orchard in Woodstock. The orchard in question is situated, out of town a short distance up river. I visited it on October the ninth after the last of the apples had been gathered. It lies on the westerly slope and the orchard and nursery together cover in all something over one hundred acres. Mr. Sharp, the proprietor of this orchard, has raised apples in New Brunswick for a great many years and has studied the peculiarities of the climate and this subject most carefully. Thus he is in a position to speak authoritatively regarding the possibilities and prospects of fruit raising in the Province. A hundred-acre farm is nothing to be despised, but a hundred acre orchard is really an enormous affair. To give some idea of it, Mr. Sharp informed me that personally each season he pruned about one hundred miles of trees. Each acre of this will yield about one hundred barrels of apples on the poorest years and each good year two hundred, the good and poor years alternating. This may be considered a steady yield, giving an average of one hundred and fifty barrels of apples per acre per year. The varieties which Mr. Sharp raises are the “Crimson Beauty,” “The Wealthy,” and “The New Brunswick.” He also raises a few “Famuse.” The “Crimson Beauty” is a hybrid originated by Mr. Sharp. It is the result of a cross between the “Famuse” and “The New Brunswick.” He has succeeded in getting all the qualities of the “Famuse” with the hardness and keeping qualities of “The New Brunswick.” The hybrids are remarkably productive and very showy, but according to Mr. Sharp, lacked quality as far as flavour was concerned. In the season of 1899. Mr. Sharp raised 1,700 barrels of “Crimson Beauties,” 800 barrels of “Wealthies,” and 1,300 barrels of “New Brunswicks.” Of these he informs me that he got $3.00 a barrel at the orchard for the “Crimson Beauties,” without having to pay any cartage or freight. All the “Wealthies” were sold for $0.50 a barrel at the orchard and the highest price received for No. 1 “Wealthies” was $2.25. The “New Brunswick” apples brought something over $1.00 a barrel. A considerable portion of Mr. Sharp’s land is in nursery. In the season of 1899 he had no less than 80,000 trees in one lot and 70,000 in another in his nursery. Of fruit bearing trees in the orchard proper here are about seventy acres now, carrying three hundred trees per acre, giving a total of 21,000 trees. When asked about the expenditure connected with maintaining an orchard of this size, Mr. Sharp gave us the following particular:— The expenses for the cultivation alone amounts to about $300,000 a year, it costs $100.00 to spray the trees, this spraying being done to keep away the codling moth and canker worm. He could not tell me accurately what the manure cost. Two men besides himself were required to do the work until the time came for gathering fruit, when sixty hands were needed. Often it is difficult to get a sufficient number of men at this season, in 1899 only thirty-five being procurable. Pruning costs $50.00 a year for a few years, and then that expense terminates. Each season it costs fifty cents a barrel to get the fruit picked and packed and taken to the station. Mr. Sharp is most enthusiastic about New Brunswick as a country for fruit raising. He says that nowhere are the blossoms hurt less frequently by the frost as here. “Summer bursts upon us so suddenly,” he says, “that the frosts have no time to injure the blossoms, the weather being comparatively warm before they are developed. I have been fifty years raising apples in New Brunswick and I have never lost a crop. Among the many advantages which the Maritime Provinces present, the frequent showers are not the least important. Between the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the Atlantic frequent showers are the rule throughout the growing season. I remember,” said Mr. Sharp, “visiting the Eastern and Middle United States a few summers ago. There was a great drought and everything was burned and dried out. When I returned to the St. John River Valley it seemed greener by contrast than I had ever seen it before. There is nearly twice the sunshine in this country than is to be found in England. Why,” he continued, “when I started here with the intention of raising apples, it was not believed that apples could be raised at all in the country and not a single barrel had been raised here. Now, they are cheaper here than anywhere in the world and I have seen all this change in only one lifetime, and I do not believe that this section is nearly as well adapted to apple raising as is the Sussex Valley. I have proven this by sending some of my trees and seeds of some others to General Williams at Sussex. When I visited that section a few years later the markets of the vicinity were supplied almost entirely with apples raised from these same seeds and trees and came from General Williams’ orchard. They were finer than my own, proving that the valley could raise better apples and a greater quantity than I could here.”
The shiretown of Carleton County is Woodstock, situated about sixty miles above Fredericton on the left side of the St. John River at the mouth of the Meduxnakeag. Woodstock is a progressive and fine looking town. Sloping down to the river, is the site of several manufacturing industries and necessarily a great farming country. Its public buildings are a credit to the place and there are many fine residences. It is situated about fifteen miles from the town of Houlton, in Maine, and lies on the Canadian Pacific Railway. There are two methods of reaching Woodstock from Fredericton, independent of the river route. One is along that portion of the New Brunswick Railway now operated by the Canadian Pacific Railway which runs up the Keswick Valley on the east side of the St. John River and from Newburg Junction to Woodstock. The other is via McAdam Junction and through the town of Dubec in Carleton County, this line running on the west side of the Saint John River. From Woodstock there are railway lines practically in four directions, one running up the Saint John River, one to the eastward and down the Keswick Valley towards Fredericton and thence down river, one westward into Maine and the fourth almost directly southward through southern and western York County to McAdam Junction, from where lines leading to the United States and different parts of New Brunswick can be connected with. From this it can be seen that Woodstock is well situated as far as its transportation facilities are concerned.
From the blog at http://JohnWood1946.wordpress.com
Presented here is an English soldier’s diary written in 1755. The full document is about 20 page long, and this excerpt includes only that part written in Nova Scotia about the expulsion of the Acadians. The diary first appeared in The Historical and Genealogical Register of the New England Historic Genealogical Society, and was re-published in Volume I of the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society for the Years 1879-80, Halifax, 1878. The introduction by the Nova Scotia Society’s Recording Secretary, John T. Bulmer, follows:
“Diary of John Thomas”
“Just as we were ready to go to press a copy of The Historical and Genealogical Register come to hand, containing the Diary of John Thomas, a surgeon in Winslow’s Expedition of 1755 against the Acadians, communicated to the “Register” by Frank Moore, Esquire, of New York. As this Diary has an important bearing on the history of the Province, and is in some sense a continuation of the sad story already told in the volume of documents printed by the Record Commission, the Publication Committee determined to give it a place in our first number. It is not second in importance to any document yet published relating to the French expulsion, and is only equalled by the Journal of Winslow himself. The Historical Society hope at an early date to be able to give the public Winslow’s Journal.”
“We acknowledge our great obligations to Mr. Moore, also to the New England Historic Genealogical Society, and trust that the “Register” may circulate widely in this Province. It has reached the 132nd No., and has been published ever since 1846. As it is designed to gather up and place in a more permanent form the scattered and decaying records of New England, the descendants of the loyalists all over the Dominion may peruse it with great advantage.”
_ _ _ _ _ _
[A note about the initial part of this diary, not included in this blog post:
Surgeon John Thomas’s diary was begun on April 9, 1755, when he was preparing to leave Boston in Colonel Winslow’s regiment for duties in Nova Scotia. The fleet departed Boston on May 22, and passed the Gut into Annapolis Basin four days later. The first military mission was to defeat the French at Fort Beausejour and other posts. This was done by mid-June, and the diary outlines minute details of strategy, injuries, deaths, etc. Some arms were then taken from the Acadians. The Indians were considering making peace with the English, but this was not pursued. Time was then spent treating the wounded and punishing troops who had rioted over the lack of rum-rations. The diary continued as follows, on August 7, 1755. Thomas’s diary is extremely matter-of-fact. There are no regrets and no triumphalism. He refers to ‘invalids’, who were the war-wounded. The ‘inhabitants’ were Acadians. Spelling is as found.]
August ye 7 AD: 1755. Orders Come for Colonol winslow to be in Redyness to Imbark with 4 Companys for menis.
8. Hot Day I went to Foart Lawrance Settled with mr Joshua winslow ye accompt of the Company from ye 10 of Apriel to ye 14 of August & Recd the mony for to Pay them our Invaleds Sailed for New England.
9. Very Hot Day I Paid of the Company.
10. very Hot Several of the inhabitants Come to the Foart by Colonol Munctons orders Capt Cobb Sailed with 30 of our Solders to Sheperdy In order to See the motion of the Enemy thare.
11. Colonol Muncton Got 250 of the Inhabitants Into Foart Cumberland & Confined them major Bourn with 150 men Gaurded the Greater Part of them to Foart Lawrance whare thay are Confined major Prible with 200 men was ordered to Tantamar Capt: Perey with 100 men ware ordered to Point abute & Olake In order to Bring in what thay Could Find Capt Osgood Took a Smal Party as thay ware Driveing of thare Cattle & Brought them to ye Camp Capt Lues of ye Rangers marched this morning with a Party of our men to Cobigate Ramshak & Sum other villages 150 miles Distant.
12. Capt Joseph Gorain Came here from Pisquate with two whale Boats Bring us the News of General Bradock Defeat at ye Ohio yt he is Killed & his whole armey Put to ye Rout.
13. Colonol winslow has Orders to Imbark as Soone as Posible with 4 Companys for Pisquate.
14. Colonol winslow marches with Capt Adams Hobbs & Osgood P:m: & as he Passes by Foart Cumberland Colonol Muncton Sends mr Munereef & Takes his Standard from mr Gay as thay ware on ye march then he marches on to ye River Masaquash Passes the River with his Bagage & thay all Incamped Nigh the vesels yt ware to Recive them.
15. Plesant Day Colonol winslow put his Bagage on Board of Capt Adams ye Rowe Gaily Capt Adams & Hoobs on Board of Capt Hodgkins Capt: Osgood on Board of Capt Pribles Capt: Jones Came in from Gauspereau Brings us an account yt Sum of the Party which marched from us to Cobigate & Ramshak had arived to Gauspereau with 2 vesels which thay Had Taken from ye French In a Harbour as they ware bound for Luesburge with Cattle & Sheap.
16. Capt Me: Cowen Arived from Boston Bacon & Dogget Sailed for Boston Colonol winslow & Party for Pisquate;
17. Cold & Showery Order Came for us to move our Camp up Near Foart Cumberland we Sent the men to Level the Ground.
18. we Moved our Camp & Pitched Near Foart Cumberland Ensign Gorain Returned to Camp from Gauspereau he is one who went to Ramshack with Capt Lues & he was Sent with the vesels yt: ware taken from the French & Sent to Gauspereau.
19. I Built my Tent with Loggs &c.
20. Nothing Remarkble.
21. the Syren Capt Proba Arived from Hallefax with 7 Transports under her Convoy In order to Cary the French Inhabitants of Capt Gay arived from Boston In 63 hours Pasage.
22. Plesant Day Nothing Remarkble.
23. A Party from Gauspereau Doct: Nye Come with them.
24. Cloudy mr Philips Preached at Camp A:m: went to Foart Lawrance P:m:
25. 40 men Returned upon Party that have bin out with Capt willard to Cobigate &c thay Brought in Several Prisoners Burnt Several Fine Viliges.
26. Captt willard Returned with ye Remaining Part yt went out with Capt Lues & those yt went with him the People ware much Fetuged I went to Foart Lawrance.
27. Rany Day.
28. major Frye with a Party of 200 men Imbarked on Board Capt Cobb Newel & Adams to Go to Sheperday & take what French thay Could & burn thare vilges thare & at Potcojack.
29. Exceeding Rany a Party Return from Gauspereru yt Came her after Provisions our Tents Leak very much.
30. Cloudy uncomfortable wather Capt: Gilbert Marched to the Bay of vert with a Party of 50 men to Bing in what Inhabitants he Could Find & Burn thare Viliges.
31. Plesant Day mr Wood the Church Person Preached at Foart Cumberland all our Rigement went to Church thare mr Philips Preached at Camp P:m: & all the Regulars came to hear him.
Sept: ye 1 AD: 1755. Plesant Day Job Crooker Came here in a whale Boat from menis with a Packet for Colonol Munckton.
2. Plesant Day major Frye Sent Leivt Jno Indicut on shore with men to Burn a Vilige at a Place Called Petcojack alter thay had Burnt Several Houses & Barns thay ware about to Burn a New masshouse a Large Number of French & Indians Ran upon them out of the Wood and Fired on them So yt thay ware obliged to Retreat Doct march who had Just Joyned him with 10 men from Capt Speakmans Party who Came on Shore the other Side of ye Vilige was killed on the Spot 22 more Killed & taken Seven wound Badly.
3. Major Fry Returned with his Party & Brought us the afforegoing Acount of his Defeat & the wounded men among whom was Leivt. Bilings Badly wounded threw in the arm & Body, a Party Likewise from ye Bay of vert under ye Comand of Capt Gibbert who had bin & Consumed that vilige & the Houses adjasent.
4. Leivt: Carver Came from Foart Gauspereau with a Partey.
5. Plesant Day orders for Leivt: Lawrence to Imbark with 57 to menis to Joyn Colonol winslow.
6. Sum wet it is Reported yt thare is a Number of Indians Discovered Near the Camp I went to Foart Lawrance Capt: Stone with Lumber arived here from Boston.
7. major Prible & I Came from Foart Lawrance to the Camp much Rumor about French & Indians yt Small Party ware Discovered.
8. Plesant Day Nothing Remarkble.
9. the Camp alarmed.
10. Sent 50 French Prisoners from Foart Cumberland on Board the transports to be Sent out of this Province.
11. Plesant Day I went to Foart Lawranoe to Continue thare a Short Time I being not well.
12. Doct: Tyler went to ye Camp to Take Care of the Sick thare.
13. Raney Day we Continue Sending the Inhabitants on Board the Transports.
14. Plesant Day Capt Sturdifant & I went to ye Camp.
15. Raney Major Prible & Goldthwait marched for Gauspereau with a Party of 400 men to Reconoyter that Place Expecting to find Sum of the Enemy Near thare.
16. Sum Cold.
17. Sum Showery I went to ye Camp Ensigne Hildrake with a Small Party from Gauspereau & make no Discovery of the Enemy I Returned to Foart Lawrance.
18. very Hard Gail of wind much Rain & Snow the Camp Greatly Torne to Peases with ye wind major Prible Returned with his Party having Burnt 200 Houses & Barns.
19. Plesant Day.
20. Plesant Day I went to Camp
21. Plesant Day Capt Sturtivant Sick att Fort Lawrance.
22. Cloudy Leivt Crooker Came in a Row Boat from Menis with a Packet from Colonol winslow to Colonol Muncton.
23. I wrote to Colonol winslow & Doct: whitworth at Menis.
24. Capt: Faget sailed for Menis in a Snow Leivt Crocker with him.
25. Sum Showery Several officers are Building Huts att Camp In order to Secure themselves from Inclemency of the wather.
26. Showery Colonol Munoton Revewed the First Battalion this morning at 6 of ye Clock I came over to Foart Lawrauce P:m:
27. Colonol Muncton Revewed ye 2 Battalions orders Came from Col: muncton for 200 men to Hold themselves In Redyness to march to Gauspereau tomorrow morning I went to ye Camp.
27. [sic] this morning 200 men marched for Gauspereau under ye Comand of major Frye Doct Tyler went with them.
29. Capt: Jno: Dogget arived here from Boston Brings us the News of major General Jonnson Ingagement at Lake George & his obtaining ye Victory thare.
30. Sum Rainy very Hard Storm In ye Evening.
Oct: ye 1 AD: 1755. Stormy Dark Night Eighty Six French Prisoners Dugg under ye wall att Foart Lawrance & Got Clear undiscovered by ye Centery I Receved Letters from New England by Dogget.
2. Plesant Day I went to Foart Lawrance Dined at Bishops.
3. I Returned to Camp A:m:
4. Plesant Day Nothing Remarkble.
5. Plesant Day mr Philips Preached all Day.
6. Sum Rany P:m: ye wind Blowd Hard at S:w: Capt Jones Came here from Gauspereau with Forty men.
7. Very hard Storm of wind & Rain Several vesels Drove from thare Ankering as thay Lay In ye Rhode I Came to Fort Lawrance.
8. Plesant Day I Returned to Camp P:m: ye Regulars Began to Enlist our men Into ye Regular Servis.
9. Capt Rowse arived here from Hallefax In order to Hurrey ye Fleet with ye Prisoners from this Place.
10. Plesant Day a vesel from New York with Provisons.
11. Stormy Day Capt: Dogget Sailed for Boston the Last Party of French Prisoners ware Sent on Board ye vesel In order to be Sent out of the Province.
12. Bad Storm & Cold Last Night Person Philips went to Fort Lawrance to Preach.
13. Capt Rowse Sailed this morning with ye Fleet Consisting of 10 Sail under his Comand thay Caryed Nine Hundred & Sixty French Prisoners with them Bound to South Carolina & George Cap Mackey Arived here from Boston.
14. Rany A:m: I went to Foart Lawrance P:m:
15. Plesant Day I Dined at Capt: Baleys Returned to Camp P:m: Exceeding Bad Traviling over ye mash.
16. Clear wather wind S:w: Blows Hard & Sum Cold.
17. Plesant Day a Party of 37 men under ye Comand of Two Ensigns ware ordered out to Reconoyter the French & See what Discoverys thay Can make.
18. wind S: Blows hard Sum Rain our Party Returned to Camp without making any Great Discovery Except a Party of French at a Distance who made of into the woods
19. Sum Plesant Nothing Remarkble.
20. Sum wet & Rany.
21. Several Gentleman Suped at Capt Malcums.
22. Plesant Day I went to Foart Lawrance P:m: Leivt Curtis with twenty men went up ye River obare to Reconoiter.
23. Rany & Stormy Leivt: Curtis with his Party up ye River Obare as he was Bringing a Number of Cattle Sheap & Horses was Fired upon by a Party of French & Indians Lent Curtis ordered his Party to Persue them: which they Did very vigoreously Keeping a Constand Fireing on Both Sides until thay Discovered 100 men more of the Enemy Laying in Ambush for them upon which Curtis & Party Retreated Recovered the Dyke on ye mash ye Enemy Persued them Sum way but our People kept up So warm a Fire on thare Retreat it Stoped ye Persuers & thay Got Safe to ye Fort this after Noon a Small Party went out from Camp under Comand of Ensign Brewer who had a Small Ingagement at a Place Called Olake but no Great Damage Done on Either Side.
24. Plesant Day Capt Gay arived here Last Night from Boston by whom I recived Letters from Boston I Came to Camp P:m:
25. Considrable Hard Frost Last Night.
26. Snow Squall very uncomfortable wather I went on Board Capt Gays Sloop.
27. Orders Given out for a General Cort marshal for ye Tryal of Capt Samuel Gilbert & Leivt: Lawrance both of the Second Battalion.
28. Cloudy Sum Rain a Gener Court marshal held for the Tryal of Capt Samuel Gilbert & Leivt: Lawrance Colonol munton Precedent & 13 members.
29. I went on Comand with Capt: Steven’s this Eveng our Party Consisted of 150 men.
30. we marched Last Night to Pont De Bute att a Small vilege 3 mile Distant to ye Northward of sd Point we Discovered a Fire upon which we Sorounded ye house & Rushed on it upon which we Received ye discharge of three Guns but we Enterd the house without any hurt but it proved to be Leivt Curtis & Ensign Bruer with 35 men who ware out from Fort Lawrance to Reconoiter upon which we turned our Coarse for Olake it Began to Snow about one of ye Clock this morning we marched as Far as a Large Brige as we Pass over to Tantamar but ye Day Breaking & the Storm Incresing we Did not think it Proper to Proceed any further & So Returned to Camp whare we arived about 12 Clock much Fatuged.
31. a Bad Storm of Snow ye Last 24 Hours & Cold our People underwent Greatly with ye Cold & Storm for: thay continue in Tents.
Camp Cumberland Novb ye 1 AD: 1755. Plesant Day and thawey.
2. Plesant Day for ye Season but bad Training.
3. wind N: very Rany Last Night a Party of 100 men Paraded and Sent to Fort Lawrance under Capt Lamson to Joyn major Bourns Party In order to go up the River Obair & ampong to Get wood for ye Garrison.
4. Plesant Day.
5. three vesels Sailed up ye River obair to Get wood for ye Forts major Bourn went with 300 men to Cut ye wood & Guard ye Vesels.
[6. to 12. No diary entries.]
13. marched out to westcock with Capt willard & 120 men we ware Caryed over ye River Tautamar In Boats we marched this Night as Far as Eastcock we arrived thare about 12 Clock this Night whare we Lodged in a Barn very Cold but Discovered no Enemy.
14. Plesant but Cold we marched about Sun Riseing we Discovered 3 Frenchmen & Fired on them but thay Ran to ye wood So yt: we did not Recover them we marched on to Tantamar where we arived about 11 Clock we Built Fires Killed Sum Hoggs & Sheap & Got a Great Plenty of Roots and Cabish went to Cooking & here we Fired at a Small No of French but thay made thare Ascape into ye wood we Continued here all Day.
15. Plesant Day we Burnt a Large mass house & 97 Houses more we met Capt: Stevens with 200 men to Reinforse us we Returned to west Cock at Night whare we met Capt: Hill with ye Regulars Colonel Scot major Prible & Several other officers with them & a No: of our Troops Came over to us In order to march with us to Memramcook a vilege about 13 miles from west Cock:
16. Lodged at west Cock Last Night this Day Spent in Killing of Cattle & Cooking & Giting in Redyness to march this Evening.
17. Plesant Day we marched Last Night about 11 Clock with 700 men under Comand of Colonel Scot we marched all Night very Bad Travilling Came to memoramcook about Break of Day we Sorounded about 20 Houses but thay were all Deserted Except one house whare we Found 9 women & Children but no man ye most of them ware sick we Burnt 30 Houses Brought away one woman 200 Hed of Neat Cattle 20 Horses we Came away about 10 A m marched for westcock whare we arived with our Cattle about 7 Clock In ye Evening.
18. major Prible marched with 400 men I marched with him about 10 Clock A:m: for Tantamar whare we arived about Sunset which is Six miles from westcock we Incamped killed 8 Hed of Cattle Sum Hoggs Built Fires & Cooked our Provisions.
19. Sum Cold we Gathered about 230 Hed of Cattle 40 Hoggs 20 Sheap 20 Horses & marched Back for westcock ware we arrived about 4 Clock with all our Cattle we exchanged Sum Guns with ye Enemy about a mile before we Came to westcock but no damage on our Side.
20. Plesant Day we mustered about Sunrise mustered the Cattle Togather Drove them over ye River near westcock Sot Near 50 Houses on Fyre & Returned to Fort Cumberland with our Cattle &c about 6 Clock P:m:
21. Plesant Day Reced orders for ye First Battalion to Hold themselves in Redyness to embark at an Hours warning for menis.
22. Plesant Day I went over to Fort Lawrance P:m: to Settle my acconipt & Git in Redyness to Embark.
23. Rany Day I Sent Sum things on Board Capt: Hays Brigg.
24. Clondy Rain Last Night wind S:E
25. Sum Showers & Squally Durty wather Colonol muncton Embarked on Board Capt: Cobb for Pisquid all our Troops ware Drawn up In order to wait on ye Colonol on Board Colouol Scot Takes ye Comand.
26. Plesant Day.
27. Snow Last Night the First Battalion makeing Redy as Fast as Possible to Embark for Pisquid.
28. I wrote to New England by Capt Gay.
29. Plesant Day Capt willm: Nicols arived from Boston Capt: Rogers & Bingham Sailed from this Place for Hallefax with Bagage & Receved 4 months Subsistance which is 33 £.
30. Plesant A:m: I went to Fort Lawrance Returned P:m went on Board ye Brigg Capt: Hayze Bound to Pisquate.
31. [sic] Cold we Came to Sail this morning Came Down as Far as ye Joging Came to Anker by Reason of ye Currant being So Rapid & Wind a Hed of us Sum Squalls of Snow.
December ye 1 AD: 1755. we Came to Sail P:m: wind S:w: Bound for Pisquate.
2. Arived In inenis Bason abont 12 Clock very Cold Blustering Squally wather Sum Snow & very uncomfortable we Came to Anker.
3. Cold we Came to Sail about 7 Clock A:m: Came up as Far as menis Doct: whitworth Came in a whale Boat major Prible mr Philips Capt: Speakman & I went on Share at Grand Pree or menis we went up to Colonol winslows Camp.
4. Plesant Day major Prible Capt: Speakman & mr Philips went to Pisquate In a whail Boat with Job Crooker Doct: whitworth & I Took Ensign Fasset with Fiveteen men all on Hors Back & went to Pisquate by Land, which is about 12 miles from Grand Pree Forded Pisquate River & Came to the Fort about 8 Clock In ye Evening our Troops all Landed Near ye Fort & mash to a vilege a mile from ye Fort.
5. very Plesant Day I Lodged at Fort Edward Last Night Capt: Cox Comanded thare our Troops Lodged att ye vilege Last Night major Prible marched about 2 Clock P:m: Leveing Capt: Lampsoii & Capt: Cobb Companys at Fort Edward we marched about 8 miles to a vilege Called ye 5 Houses whare we arived about 7 Clock In ye Evening.
6. we all Incamped att ye 5 Houses Last Night marched this morning about Sun Riseing marched all Day the Travilling very bad the Land Cheifly abounds with Hemlock & them Grow to a Great Haith the Land Tolirable Good we Passed Sum Large Fresh Rivers Snows all Day we Incamped Near a Brook Called ye Bulls Hed Camp the Snow is now Near Six Intches Deep.
7. we marched about half after seven marched all Day the Land abound with Burch & Hemlock the Soil very Good but very Stony we Incamped Not Far from a Large Fresh River Called ye 12 mile River it being about. 12 miles from Fort Sacvile this River abounds with Salmon.
8. Sum Rany we marched Early this morning Bad Traviling we marched over Large Boggs High Hills Rocky & uneven Ground but the Soyl appears to be Good itt abounds with Burch & Hemlock we Travil 12 miles & Come to a Small Fort Situated att the Hed of a Fine Large Bason Called Hallefax Bason the Fort is Called Fort Sacvile it Contains Near an Acre of Ground it is Built with Pickquits it is 4 Squared But one Canon & a Few Swivel Guns No Garosoned with one Capt one Subaltron & 50 men when we arived att this Fort it is almost Sun Set thare for we Conclud to Continue Here for ye Night it is 10 miles from Hallefax & the Traviling Excessive Bad.
[The remainder of the diary records routine events around Halifax, and the diary ends on December 31, 1755.]
From the blog at http://JohnWood1946.wordpress.com
The following is extracted from The London Lawyer, a Biographical Sketch of Elias Hardy, by W.O. Raymond, and is the story of the New Brunswick election of 1785. It is a tale of controversy, conflict and violence and was just one element causing unhappiness and complaint among the Loyalists of Parr Town, Saint John.
The Loyalists of that time have sometimes been thought of as malcontents, but this is not true. In fact, they were unhappy with the way in which the revolutionary war had been fought; and the terms of the final peace; and the attempt of some privileged Loyalists (the “fifty-five”) to be given preferential compensation; and the failure of the Parr and Carleton administrations to move them out of Parr Town and onto their grants of land.
The best book that I have ever read about this era is Loyalist Rebellion in New Brunswick, a Defining Conflict for Canada’s Political Culture, by D.G. Bell, Formac Publishing Co, Ltd., Halifax, 2013. This book is recommended, as are any of Bell’s books and other writings.
Raymond’s treatment of the election is very good, except that he portrays the Loyalists as a noble people with a few rowdies mixed in to spoil their otherwise spotless reputation. This portrait has long been replaced, and the Loyalists are now seen as a mixture of ordinary New Englanders who reacted to events no differently than would you or I.
Jonathan Bliss, one of the successful candidates
From the Walters Art Museum, via the Dictionary of Canadian Biography
Brunswick Election of 1785
[“The ruin this settlement has already suffered, is now suffering, and is likely to suffer hereafter, from the delays of locating the lands, etc.” … represented quite an element in the community, and one which made its influence felt in the first election campaign held in the city of St. John.]
The candidates at this election on the government side were Jonathan Bliss, Ward Chipman, Christopher Billopp, William Pagan, John McGeorge and Stephen Hoyt. (The place of the latter gentleman on the ticket was afterwards taken by Stanton Hazard). On the opposition side the candidates were Tertullus Dickenson, Richard Lightfoot, Richard Bonsall, Peter Grim, John Boggs and Alexander Reid.
The franchise was as broad and democratic as it could well be made. The sheriff, Wm. S. Oliver, announced in the Royal Gazette, under date October 18, 1785: “All males of full age, inhabitants of the city and county, that have resided three months therein are entitled to their votes on this occasion.”
There were several independent candidates, but the issue eventually resolved itself into a contest between the government and the opposition tickets. A variety of issues intensified the feeling. It was in a measure a contest between the aristocracy and democracy of the day. It was also in some measure a contest of Upper Cove versus Lower Cove. In regard to the political questions at issue, the government ticket in the main endorsed the conduct of the agents of the Loyalists, whilst the opposition demanded that a strict enquiry should he made into the conduct of these officials. The columns of Christopher Sower’s Royal Gazette were filled with long communications from the belligerent parties on either side. A writer who signs himself “The Lower Cove,” claims that the first act of the assembly should be the impeachment of the agents for their fraudulent conduct. In reply to the strictures of his opponents. Attorney General Bliss stated that the courts were always open with powers competent to the trial of all crimes and engaged on his part to give due attention to any person who would now come forth with a specific charge against the agents of any crime demanding a public prosecution. That if a representation as talked of should be made to the king, complaining of the conduct of the agents as a public grievance, all that could be expected would be an order to the attorney general to institute a prosecution and that he was now ready to do this without such order upon an accusation being made on sufficient grounds of any particular crime.
It is curious to note that on the government ticket were two of the famous “fifty-five” petitioners, viz: Christopher Billopp and Ward Chipman, and that the leader of the opposition was Tertellus Dickenson, one of the committee of four who waited on Sir Guy Carleton with the memorial in opposition to the claims of the “fifty-five.” An attempt seems also to have been made to secure the services of Samuel Hake, another member of the committee. One of his friends in a letter which appeared in the Royal Gazette of Nov. 1st, 1785, recommends him as “a gentleman whose judicious and spirited exertions in favor of the Loyalists both in New York and England have already procured him general applause and admiration and entitled him to the gratitude of every good subject in this province.” Samuel Hake, the correspondent, adds is hourly expected here as his majesty’s commissary of stores and provisions.
An attempt was also made to enlist the services of Elias Hardy, but that gentleman wisely declined identifying himself with either party, particularly as the way was open for him to obtain a seat in the assembly without the doubtful chances of election in St. John. He accordingly published the following card:
Mr. Hardy returns his thanks to such of his friends who have been pleased to declare their intention of voting for him in the election as a representative of this city; but begs that they will not reserve their votes as he does not propose offering himself as a candidate.
St. John, October 17, 1785
He was thus able to stand aloof from the riotous proceedings which characterized the first St. John election. His own return to the house as a member for Northumberland was secured by the influence of his client, Wm. Davidson, of Miramichi. This incident was not particularly agreeable to Chipman and his friends, who professed to have a poor opinion of Hardy’s abilities, and were disposed to frown upon his pretensions. The following brief record of the election in Northumberland is taken from the diary of Benjamin Marston, first sheriff of the county, and a warm personal friend of Ward Chipman:—
Wednesday, Nov. 2, 1785—Posted up advertisements for a meeting of the county to elect two members for the general assembly—one at G. Brown’s, one at Wilson’s tavern, one at McLean’s store, one at Negayack, one at Reid’s store, and one at Alex. Henderson’s.
Thursday, Nov. 17—Today held an election for two members in the general assembly. Wm. Davidson, an inhabitant of the river, an ignorant, cunning fellow (sic), but who has great influence over the people here, many of them holding land under him, and many others being in his employ was chosen for one and by the same influence Elias Hardy, an attorney of no great reputation in his profession, an inhabitant of the city of St. John, was chosen for the other. This will disappoint some of my friends who hoped that George Leonard. Esq., and Capt. Stanton Hazard would have obtained the election. But ’twas impossible. They were unknown here and we who proposed a recommendation for them were but strangers. ’Tis therefore no wonder we did not succeed against an artful man who had an influence and knew how to use it.”
The election at St. John began on Monday, the 7th day of November, and the poll was held from day to day at different places in the city and county, the voting continuing throughout the week. The first two days the election proceeded quietly, but on the evening of the third day a tremendous riot occurred at the Mallard House, corner King and Germain streets, in which the Lower Cove faction was the attacking party. A number were injured on both sides, and it was found necessary to call out the troops stationed at Fort Howe to support the civic authorities. Several arrests were made, one of the opposition candidates being included in the number. At the trial, in May following, three of the rioters were found guilty and punished by fine and imprisonment.
After the close of the polls the results of the election was in dispute, both of the contending parties claiming a majority. Sheriff Oliver, however, declared the choice of the electorate to have fallen upon Messrs. Bliss, Chipman, Billopp, Pagan, Hazard and McGeorge. The opposition did not acquiesce without a struggle; a protest was entered, complaining of an … election, and the matter came before the house of assembly, which confirmed the election of the government candidates. This decision was not accepted by some of the malcontents, who drew up and signed a petition to Governor Carleton specifying their grievances and calling upon his excellency to dissolve the house. This petition, as appears from a copy in possession of the writer, is a curious document; the sentences in many cases decidedly ungrammatical, and mistakes in spelling neither few nor far between. It was the production evidently of a man of decided views but of limited education. It bears the signatures of 174 individuals, the majority of whom belonged to the Lower Cove. Very few of the signers were prominent citizens. The petitioners assert that since their arrival at St. John they have been the victims of “a most oppressive tyranny,” which have been patiently borne “under the firm persuasion of being relieved from their bondage upon his excellency’s arrival.” Commenting on the proceedings at the recent election, they say:—
“We have publicly seen British subjects confined in irons, carried into a garrison and there examined under the authority of a military guard: and prosecutions still hanging over their heads for supposed offences. One of our legal representatives (i.e., in the assembly ) confined in a sentry-box at the discretion of a private soldier—the military introduced and unnecessarily and unlawfully patrolling the streets during an election to the terror and alarm of the peaceable, inoffensive inhabitants—crown officers neglecting and refusing to discharge their duty—the freedom of election violated by corrupt and undue influence in the most public manner—the returning officer behaving with the most unconstitutional and unprecedented conduct—irreligion and immorality, instead of being punished, incoraged both by precept and example—the house of assembly declaring the election for this city and county to have fallen upon Jonathan Bliss, Ward Chipman, Christopher Billopp, William Pagan, Stanton Hazard and John McGeorge whom they have admitted and sworn in as members for the city and county notwithstanding Turtullus Dickenson, Ritchard Lightfoot, Richard Bonsall, Petter Grim, John Boggs and Alexander Reid were chosen by a decided majority, according to your excellency’s own regulations.”
The petitioners appealed to the governor for a dissolution of the house, which, they add, “will give his majesty’s affectionate people an opportunity of manifesting their zeal for the constitution by a nomination of men who will regard the honor of the crown and support the rights of the people.” The petition concludes with the somewhat defiant words: “As we by no means think we are represented in the present house of assembly, we can on no account conceive ourselves bound by any laws made by them so unconstitutionally composed.”
Governor Carleton declined to interfere in the matter. Indeed, as a constitutional ruler, he would not have been justified in so doing, in view of the fact that Attorney General Bliss and his colleagues had been returned by the sheriff as duly elected, and that the house of assembly, after due consideration of the protest entered against the election, had confirmed the Sheriff’s return.
In his speech at the opening of the first house of assembly at St. John, January 3rd, 1786, the governor refers to the great necessity of “discouraging all factions and party distinctions, and cauleating the utmost harmony and good will between the newly arrived Loyalists and those of his majesty’s subjects formerly resident in the province.” There cannot be the slightest doubt of the governor’s wisdom in the advice here tendered both as regards the necessity of discouraging the factions spirit which had shown itself in the ranks of the Loyalists themselves, and also as to the desirability of cultivating friendly relations between the Loyalists and the old inhabitants of the country. True the latter had not always been the most loyal subjects of old King George and many of them during the revolutionary war had shown more than an inclination to side with the majority of their New England neighbors, but to have banished these old settlers from the St. John River, and to have confiscated their lands on this account, would have been an act of short-sighted folly, equal to that of which the American people were guilty, when by edicts of banishment and acts of confiscation they drove out the Loyalists from their old homes to build up a rival nation at their very doors.
The riotous proceedings which characterized the first St. John election, will, perhaps, shock the tender susceptibilities of those good people who are wont to suppose that the loyal founders of New Brunswick were an ideal class of men and free from all ignoble passions. The fact is otherwise, and in the interests of historic accuracy we may as well admit it. True, the general character of the Loyalists stands high, and will bear a more than favorable comparison with that of their enemies in the revolutionary war. As a body they displayed admirable self-sacrifice and devotion to duty, but in their ranks were many whose reputation is not unstained. At a time when common misfortune should have united one and all in the effort to advance their mutual welfare the spirit of selfishness and of jealousy and suspicion were by no means wanting. When the old province of Nova Scotia was divided and the new province established there ensued, on the part of many of the more educated and aristocratic class, an undignified scramble for office. Amongst the disbanded soldiery and uneducated class of the community a spirit of discontent prevailed, combined with disrespect for lawfully constituted authority, and in many instances a tendency to intemperate habits.
[W.O. Raymond then continues with his biographical sketch of Elias Hardy.]
From the blog at http://JohnWood1946.wordpress.com
The following is from a book The Story of the Great Fire in Saint John, June 20, 1877, by George Stewart Jr. It is from an introductory chapter, however, and is a summary not just of the 1877 fire, but of the many fires that preceded it.
Market Square and South Market Slip in Flames, 1877
The Many Fires in Saint John, 1784 to 1877
One of the most destructive fires of modern times occurred at St. John, N.B., on Wednesday, the 20th June, 1877. It was more calamitous in its character than the terrible conflagration which plunged portions of Chicago into ruin, and laid waste the great business houses of Boston a few years ago. In a relative sense, the St. John fire was a greater calamity, and its people for a time suffered sterner hardships. The fire in the large American cities was confined to a certain locality, but in St. John an immense area of territory was destroyed in the incredibly short space of nine hours, and fully two-fifths of the entire city were laid in ashes, and one thousand six hundred and twelve houses levelled to the earth. The fire raged with overwhelming violence, carrying in its wake everything that came before it. At one time three portions of the city were burning at once, and all hope of checking the conflagration died in the hearts of men as the terrific volume of flame thundered and crackled, and hissed in sheets over their heads. The blinding smoke rolled heavenwards in a thick heavy mass; the flying embers were carried along for miles, and the brisk north-west wind brought the destroying flame to a thousand households. Men and women stood paralyzed in the streets, fearing the worst and hoping against hope. Those who had worked all afternoon trying to save their property now sank to the earth and barely escaped with their lives, for the fire was upon them. Nothing appeared to stay the march of the fiend. Immense piles that seemed to stand like an army of picked guardsmen, were swept away in an instant; granite, freestone, brick and marble were as ineffectual in staying the conflagration as the driest tinder-box houses which fed the flames at every turn. Even old stone buildings that had stood for sixty years, in the outskirts of the city, and had withstood many a serious fire before, now crumbled and tumbled before the conquering scourge. 200 acres were destroyed, all that part of the city south of King Street, regiments of houses, stores and public buildings were burned, and the fire was only stayed when the water-line prevented its going further. The boundary of the burnt district followed a line on the eastern and northern sides of Union Street to Mill Street, Mill Street to Dock Street, northern and eastern sides of Market Square, centre of King Street to Pitt Street, Pitt Street to its junction with the water; thence around by the harbour-line to the starting point. In brief, this was the battle-ground through which the grand charge of the fire was made unparalleled in its brilliancy by any similar exploit which the annals of military deeds unfold. Men, horses, rows of stoutest building material, steam, water, all succumbed and went down like chaff before the whirlwind. Nothing was too strong to resist, nothing too weak to receive clemency.
A glance at the earlier history of St. John will show that destructive fires have been of frequent occurrence, and its people have suffered much from this system of devastation. In 1784, on Friday, the 18th June, the first fire of which we have any knowledge took place. At that time it was considered a terrible blow, and the sparse population thought that many years would elapse before the little city could recover from the wreck which the fire had made. Eleven houses were burned, and a large number of discharged soldiers of the 42nd Regiment were the principal sufferers. About this time a woman and child were burned to death at the Falls, and seven houses in this quarter were destroyed.
In April, 1787, the people decided to take active measures for protection against fire, and accordingly the following document was drawn up:
We, the subscribers, taking into our serious consideration the alarming situation of the city for want of fire engines and public wells, should a fire break out in any part of it, and, at the same time, being sensible of the present inability of the city corporation to advance money for the purpose, do severally promise to pay the mayor, aldermen and commonalty, of the City of St. John (or to such persons as they shall appoint), the several sums annexed to our names as a loan upon interest, for the purpose of importing from London two suitable fire-engines, and for sinking a sufficient number of public wells in this city.
Which several sums the said corporation have engaged to repay to each separate subscriber with interest annually, as soon as their funds will enable them so to do, as appears by an abstract from the minutes of the common council, dated the 20th March last:
[The list of contributors is presented here. About £294 was contributed by 45 people and companies. That amounted to about £6 10s. each on average, and none of the contributions exceeded £10. The contributors were: Gabriel G. Ludlow (Mayor), Ward Chipman (Recorder), Jonathan Bliss (Atty.-General), James Putnam (Judge), Christopher Billop, Zeph Kingsley, Samuel Randall, Gilbert & Hansford, Isaac Bell, Robert Parker, Benedict Arnold, William Wyly, Mark Wright, C.C. Hall & Co., William Pagan, John Colwell, Thomas Bean, Francis Gilbert, Samuel Hallet, William Hazen, James Ruon, John Califf, Isaac Lawton, Sar mel Mills, Paul Bedell, William Wanton (Collector Custom), Adino Paddock, M.D., McCall & Codner, Thomas Horsfield, John McGeorge, Thos. Elliot, William Bainy, Thompson & Reed, Christopher Lowe (King’s Printer), W.S. Olive, (Sheriff), Wm. Whittaker, Pe-er Quin, Charles Warner, Abiather Camp, James Peters, Daniel Michean, Fitch Rogers, Manson Jarvis, Nehemiah Rodgers, and Edward Sands.]
On the 2nd February, 1786, the corporation paid Peter Fleming £136 6s. 8d. for two fire engines. These must have proved ineffectual, for the reader will notice that the above loan was made up hardly a year afterward, and the present sum was raised for the special purpose of buying London engines, and sinking wells.
The movement was not inaugurated a moment too soon, for in 1788 the following year, a fire occurred in the store of General Benedict Arnold, of revolutionary fame, which threatened to become very serious before it was got under way. Arnold’s store was situate in Lower Cove, where the sewing machine factory adjoining John E. Turnbull’s sash factory stood, till the late besom of fire swept it away. A good deal of excitement was occasioned at the time of the fire in Arnold’s premises. His former partner, Hoyt, charged him with setting fire to the store. Arnold sued him for slander, and recovered a verdict of twenty shillings!
The next fire broke out in 1816 in a large two-story house on the corner of Germain and Britain Streets, occupied by a military physician named Davis. The doctor and his wife were saved from burning by the heroic conduct of their next door neighbour. A party of soldiers were engaged the next day sifting the ashes and searching for the silver which had melted; not a trace of it was found however.
The fire of 1823 was a very serious one, and caused great destruction. It began on Disbrow’s Wharf and took along with it nearly both sides of Prince William Street; the old wooden building on the latter street lately occupied by The Telegraph newspaper, alone escaped. The lot on which it stood cost Dr. Adino Paddock five shillings in 1786. During this fire over forty houses were burned, and the loss of property and goods was estimated at £20,000, which in those days was felt to be enormous.
The fire of 1837 will linger long in the memory of many of the inhabitants of St. John. It was the most wholesale destruction of property which the people had ever known. Many today contrast the misfortunes of that day with those of the present hour. Even when the flames were carrying death and destruction on all sides on that warm day in June, 1877, men stopped to compare notes and whisper a word or two about the fire of 1837. Of course the loss was not as great then, or the number of lives lost so large, or so much valuable property destroyed as at the present time, but the people were less able to bear the trials which came upon them then, and many never recovered from the shock. The city was young and struggling to gain a foothold. The city was poor and the people were frugal. They were not able to bear the burdens which were in a night entailed upon them, the magnificent system of relief from outside sources was not in operation, and without help of any kind save that which they themselves brought into requisition, the citizens nobly worked long and hard to rebuild their little seaport town. There was a prejudice against insurance, and many lost every dollar they possessed. The hardships of those days are remembered by many who passed through them then, and who once more endure the horrors of a great calamity with almost Spartan courage. The time of the ’37 fire was in the very heart of a rigorous winter, on the 13th of January, and we can only picture the destruction of Moscow to enable the reader to understand how terrible the sufferings of the people must have been, when snow and ice were on the ground, and not a shelter covered the heads of the afflicted women and tender babes. It was a day remembered long after by those who had passed through its trials. The fire originated on Peters’s Wharf, and in a moment, like lightning, it darted along South Market Wharf and extended up to the ferry boat. Both sides of Water Street and Prince William Street between Cooper’s Alley and Princess Street were destroyed. The old Nichols House was saved; it was occupied then by Solomon Nichols and stood on the corner of Cooper’s Alley and Prince William Street, lately the site of Farrall & Smith’s dry goods store. It was originally built of wood and it was a marvel that it was not carried away with the rest; but it stood like an oasis in Sahara, or the old sentinel who was left on guard and forgotten after the army had fled. One hundred and fifteen houses were consumed, and nearly the whole of the business portion of the city, and one million dollars’ worth of property were destroyed.
Hardly had the people recovered from the disaster of 1837, when another scourge came upon them causing nearly as much destruction as before. This was in August, 1839, when a fire started in Nelson Street and burned the entire north wharf, both sides of Dock Street, Market Square, with the exception of the house standing on the site now occupied by the Bank of British North America, and a house on Union Street west, occupied by Mr. Hegan. It didn’t cross Prince William Street. The old Government House, Union Street, escaped.
The spring of 1841, 17th March, was the scene of another fire, when four lives were lost and much excitement prevailed. Mr. Holdsworth, of Holdsworth & Daniel, (London House) perished while endeavouring to keep off the sparks from the roof of his store.
On the 26th August, a £30,000 fire in Portland carried off sixty houses; and on the 15th November, 1841, a fire broke out on the South Wharf and burned the whole of that wharf together with Peter’s Wharf, south side of Water Street, and the large brick Market-house in Market Square, which was occupied by butchers in the ground flat, and used for the civic offices in the second story. This building could have been saved, and was lost through gross carelessness. Incendiarism was rampant and the greatest excitement filled the public mind.
In 1845, 29th July, forty buildings were burned from a fire which took its start in Water Street, and in 1849 the famous King Street fire broke out in a store in Lawrence’s building. The Commercial Hotel, then kept by the late Israel Fellows, father of James I. Fellows, Chemist, was destroyed, together with the Tower of Trinity Church, which had to be pulled down that the Church might be saved. Pilot Mills climbed to the cupola and secured the fastenings by which it was brought to the ground.
The fire in Prince William Street of March 8th of the present year, which broke out in the building owned by the Ennis and Gardner estate, and resulted in the loss of seven lives and nearly two millions of dollars’ worth of property, is still fresh in the minds of our readers.
Thus the reader will see that St. John has had a goodly share of the great fires, which, in a moment lay prostrate a city, and plunge her inhabitants into almost hopeless ruin.