johnwood1946

New Brunswick History and Other Stuff

Table of Contents, Rev. May 25, 2016

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This blog will continue to grow, but following is a table of contents so far from the top:

  1. Thomas Wood, and His Visit to the Saint John River in 1769 – May 25, 2016
  2. The Northern Colonies: Languishing in Mediocrity – ca 1804 – May 18, 2016
  3. Fredericton’s Victoria Cottage Hospital – May 11, 2016
  4. The Passamaquoddy Wampum Records – May 4, 2016
  5. Slog on, or Die – Apr. 27, 2016
  6. Changes Nova Scotia Underwent from Discovery to 1758 When the First General Assembly Met in Halifax – Apr. 20, 2016
  7. The Disastrous Winter on St. Croix Island, 1604-05, and Other Adventures – Apr. 13, 2016
  8. Missions to the Mi’kmaq and Maliseet in the Early 1800’s – Apr. 6, 2016
  9. It Sounded Like a Residential School Philosophy – Mar. 30, 2016
  10. The Acadian Fugitives – Mar. 23, 2016
  11. Giddy, Eccentric, and Discontented Characters, or Misguided Souls, or Turncoats? – Mar. 16, 2016
  12. Indian Routes of Travel in New Brunswick – Mar. 9, 2016
  13. Historic Sites from the English Period on the Saint John River – Mar. 2, 2016
  14. How to Hunt a Moose, a Goose, and a Caribou in New Brunswick in 1791 – Feb. 24, 2016
  15. William Hubbard Complains to Edward Winslow about the Congregationalists in Sheffield – Feb. 17, 2016
  16. Good Fences Make Good Neighbours – Feb. 10, 2016
  17. WE NEED THE ACADIANS TO REMAIN: Lieut Governor, 1715 – Feb. 2, 2015
  18. Guy Carleton on the Fur Trade in Canada, 1767 – Jan. 27, 2016
  19. A Letter on Irish Immigrants – Jan. 20, 2016
  20. The Wreck of the ‘Lord Ashburton’ – Jan. 13, 2016
  21. A Ghost at Noonday – Jan. 6, 2016
  22. Silas Rand on the Mi’kmaq People – Part 3: Will Not the Bright Sun and the Blue Heavens Testify Against Us? – Dec. 30, 2015
  23. Silas Rand on the Mi’kmaq People – Part 2: To Every Thing There is a Season – Dec. 23, 2015
  24. Silas Rand on the Mi’kmaq People – Part 1: All Men From One Blood – Dec. 16, 2015
  25. Limits to the Royal Bounty – Dec. 9, 2015
  26. Nova Scotia, a Receptacle for Superfluous People? – Dec. 1, 2015
  27. From New Ireland to New Brunswick – Nov. 25, 2015
  28. The Most Gentlemanlike Government on Earth – Nov. 18, 2015
  29. I Love You for Your Plainness – Nov. 11, 2015
  30. Ward Chipman Remembers the Final Evacuation of New York – Nov. 4, 2015
  31. A Reply to “Men of Honor and Probity Run Amok” – Oct. 28, 2015
  32. A Century of Educational Progress in New Brunswick from 1800 to 1900 – Oct. 21, 2015
  33. Notes About the Earliest Public Markets in Saint John, New Brunswick – Oct. 14, 2015
  34. The Provincial Dairy School at Sussex, New Brunswick, 1900 – Oct. 7, 2015
  35. An Account of Nova Scotia in 1743 – Sept. 30, 2015
  36. The Petition of the Infamous 55 – Sept. 23, 2015
  37. Francis Sharpe’s Woodstock Apples – Sept. 16, 2015
  38. The Expulsion of the Acadians, a Military Surgeon’s Diary – Sept. 9, 2015
  39. The New Brunswick Election of 1785 – Sept. 2, 2015
  40. The Many Fires in Saint John, 1784-1877 – Aug. 26, 2015
  41. A Proposal for an Attack on N0va Scotia – Aug. 19, 2015
  42. Fredericton’s Great Flood of 1936 – Aug. 12, 2015
  43. A Letter about the Acadians and the Expulsion – Aug. 5, 2015
  44. Saint John in 1834, Before it was Forever Changed by the Great Fire – July 29, 2015
  45. New Brunswick, No Country for a Mere Gentleman, 1834 – July 22, 2015
  46. Woodstock, the Only Village Between the Green River and Fredericton in 1834 – July 15, 2015
  47. On the Tamiscouta Prtage from Lake Tamiscouta to just above Grand Falls, 1834 – July 10, 2015
  48. Men of Honor and Probity Run Amok – July 1, 2015
  49. By Steamer to the So-Called City of Fredericton – June 24, 2014
  50. A Quiet and Business-Like Little City – June 17, 2015
  51. Rambles Among the Bluenoses in 1862 – June 10, 2015
  52. Edward John Russell, a New Brunswick Artist – June 3, 2015
  53. Provincial Lunatic Asylum, Report of the Medical Superintendent, 1875 – May 27, 2015
  54. The Saint John River and Port Royal in the Early 1600’s – May 20, 2015
  55. What Should We Think of Benedict Arnold? – May 13, 2015
  56. Diphtheria in New Brunswick in the Year 1889 – May 6, 2015
  57. The Official Account of the Destruction of Burnt Church – Apr. 29, 2015
  58. The Exchange Coffee House and Saint John’s First Club – Apr. 22, 2015
  59. The Wigwams and Dwellings of the Gaspesians – Apr. 15, 2015
  60. The Story of Brook Watson – Apr. 8, 2015
  61. Where Stood Fort LaTour? – Apr. 1, 2015
  62. Things This Morning Really Wear the Aspect of War – Mar. 25, 2015
  63. At Portland Point – Mar. 18, 2015
  64. Electrical Power From the Reversing Falls – Mar. 10, 2015
  65. Father Rale’s War – 1722-25; How it Ended – Mar. 4, 2015
  66. What Was the Big Deal About the Marco Polo? – Feb. 25, 2015
  67. Grand Manan to Petitcodiac, in 1786 – Feb. 18, 2015
  68. A Trip From St. John to Fredericton in 1870 – Feb. 11, 2015
  69. A Tour of St. John, N.B., in 1870 – Feb. 4, 2015
  70. Destruction by Fire of the First Cathedral in Chatham – Jan. 28, 2015
  71. Burgan the Burglar – Jan. 21, 2015
  72. Facts and Reasons Against Confederating With Canada – Jan. 14, 2015
  73. Discontent in Early Halifax in 1756 – Jan. 7, 2015
  74. A Trip on the ICR From Bathurst to Miramichi – Dec. 31, 2014
  75. Early Attempts to Introduce the Cultivation of Hemp in Eastern British America – Dec. 24, 2014
  76. Touring Campbellton and Dalhousie, Despite the Mosquitoes, 1876 – Dec. 19, 2014
  77. The Fire of 1837 in Saint John – Dec. 10, 2014
  78. The Cruise of the Rechab – Dec. 3, 2014
  79. A Night in the Deep – Nov. 26, 2014
  80. Robert Foulis (A Misplaced Genius) – Nov. 19, 2014
  81. The City Mills – Nov. 15, 2014
  82. The Brothers d’Amours – Nov. 5, 2014
  83. John Allan’s Revolutionary Mission to the Saint John River – Oct. 29, 2014
  84. Relics of the Acadian Period – Oct. 22, 2014
  85. Some Odd Old Advertisements – Oct. 15, 2014
  86. The Miramichi Fire – Relief of the Sufferers – Oct. 8, 2014
  87. Jonathan Eddy’s Account of the Attack on Fort Cumberland, November, 1776 – Oct. 1, 2014
  88. Which of These Two is the Wisest and Happiest? – Sept. 24, 2014
  89. Fredericton Bridge, a Prophetic Writing – Sept. 17, 2014
  90. A Speech to Distinguished Persons of Stake and Consideration – Sept. 10, 2014
  91. Building an Education System From Almost Nothing – Sept. 3, 2014
  92. Cape Tormentine to the Baye des Chaleurs in the 1600’s – Aug. 27, 2014
  93. The Customs of the Mi’kmaq in the 1600’s and Before – Aug. 20, 2014
  94. Two Documents Relating to the Fenians in New Brunswick – Aug. 13, 2014
  95. The Lazaretto for Lepers in Tracadie, 1862 – Aug. 6, 2014
  96. Thoughts About the Augustine Mound at Metepenegiag Mi’kmaq Nation – July 30, 2014
  97. What am I Bid for This Pauper? – July 23, 2014
  98. Trouble at Madawaska, 1831 – July 16, 2014
  99. The Great Fire at Saint John, June 20, 1877 – July 9, 2014
  100. The Poor Fellows Shook as if They Would Fall to Pieces! – July 2, 2014
  101. How to Build a Logging Camp in Around 1850 – June 25, 2014
  102. Risen from the Ashes, Phoenix Square in Fredericton – June 18, 2014
  103. Rocks and Water, Magnificence and Squalor; St. John in 1876 – June 11, 2014
  104. Moncton as Seen by a Journalist in 1876 – June 4, 2014
  105. Events Leading to the Caraquet Riots of 1875 – May 28, 2014
  106. A Dramatic Account of the Miramichi Fire – May 21, 2014
  107. Saint John in the Early 1840’s – May 18, 2014
  108. A Note to Subscribers, and a Memorandum for me – May 14, 2014
  109. The Myth that Kerosene was Invented in New Brunswick – May 7, 2014
  110. A Church with Military Boots and Fixed Bayonets – Apr. 30, 2014
  111. An Opening Salvo in an Ongoing Argument – Apr. 23, 2014
  112. May living worms his corpse devour – Apr. 16, 2014
  113. He don’t look any better than some of our own boys – Apr. 9, 2014
  114. The Disputed Territory Between New Brunswick and Maine – Apr. 2, 2014
  115. Navigation on the Saint John River – Mar. 26, 2014
  116. Shepody as a Hot Investment Opportunity, 1868 – Mar. 19, 2014
  117. To Her Majesty, RE: Reciprocity, 1853 – Mar. 12, 2014
  118. Diary on the Tobique, 1851 – Mar. 5, 2014
  119. Growing up in Fredericton in the 1820s and 1830s – Feb. 26, 2014
  120. Travels From Eastport, Maine, to Fredericton, 1851 – Feb. 19, 2014
  121. The Saint John General Public Hospital, 19th Century, Part 2 of 2 – Feb. 12, 2014
  122. The Saint John General Public Hospital, 19th Century, Part 1 of 2 – Feb. 5, 2014
  123. The Story of the Great Brothers – Jan. 29, 2014
  124. A Trek up the Tobique, and Onward to Bathurst – Jan. 22, 2014
  125. Summer Tourists. A Manual for New Brunswick Farmers – Jan. 19, 2014
  126. A Trek from Grand Falls to Campbellton, 1862 – Jan. 15, 2014
  127. A Trek From Taymouth to Boisetown, 1862 – Jan. 12, 2014
  128. Capt. William Owen’s Journal, Campobello, 1770-71 – Jan. 8, 2014
  129. The Founding of Campobello Island – Jan. 5, 2014
  130. New Brunswick Roads and Railways, 1855 – Jan. 1, 2014
  131. Grand Manan – Dec. 29, 2013
  132. The Shipyard Fire in Saint John, in 1841 – Dec. 26, 2013
  133. Christmas as it Was in Saint John, in 1808 – Dec. 22, 2013
  134. The Saint John Grammar School – Dec. 18, 2013
  135. William Wishart Blasts the New Brunswick Education System, 1845 – Dec. 15, 2013
  136. The Diary of Sarah Frost – Dec. 11, 2013
  137. Pŭlěs, Pŭlowěch′, and Beechkwěch (Pigeon, Partridge, and Nighthawk) – Dec. 10, 2014
  138. The Government of New Brunswick, 1837 – Dec. 4, 2013
  139. The Whales and the Robbers – Dec. 1, 2013
  140. The Ashburton Treaty – Nov. 27, 2013
  141. Glooscap and His Four Visitors – Nov. 24, 2013
  142. The Pioneers of Saint Stephen – Nov. 20, 2013
  143. The Adventures of Kâktoogwâsees; a Tale of Ancient Times – Nov. 17, 2013
  144. The Asylum at Saint John – Nov. 13, 2013
  145. The Liver-Colored Giants and Magicians – Nov. 10, 2013
  146. Smuggling Between Calais and St. Stephen – Nov. 6, 2013
  147. The Two Weasels – Nov. 3, 2013
  148. A note to subscribers – Oct. 30, 2013
  149. The European and North American Railway, 1862 – Oct. 30, 2013
  150. The Origin of the War Between the Mi’kmaq and the Kwěděches – Oct. 23, 2013
  151. Trouble on the Line: The Early Telegraph in New Brunswick – Oct. 16, 2013
  152. The Invisible Boy; Team′ and Oochigeaskw – Oct. 9, 2013
  153. Transportation to and from Fredericton, 1841 – Oct. 2, 2013
  154. The Boy That Was Transformed Into a Horse – Sept. 25, 2013
  155. McAdam: Notes From the Early Days – Sept. 18, 2013
  156. The Magical Food, Belt and Flute – Sept. 11, 2013
  157. European & North American Rly. Staff, 1861 – Sept. 4, 2013
  158. Glooscap and the Megumoowesoo: A Marriage Adventure – Aug. 28, 2013
  159. The Loss of the Royal Tar – Aug. 21, 2013
  160. Robbery and Murder Revenged, Plus a Grand Falls Story – Aug. 14, 2013
  161. The St. John River From Below Fredericton to the Reversing Falls – Aug. 7, 2013
  162. A Proposal for a Wooden Railway – July 31, 2013
  163. ‘On the Early History of New Brunswick’ – July 24, 2013
  164. The Maugerville Settlement, 1763-1824 – July 17, 2013
  165. 1930 Circus Train Wreck Near Moncton, N.B. – July 10, 2013
  166. Horses or Oxen? Pick one – July 3, 2013
  167. The St. John River; Andover to Fredericton – June 26, 2013
  168. Origins of Some Place Names on N.B.’s Eastern Shore – June 19, 2013
  169. The St. John River; Grand Falls to the Tobique – June 12, 2013
  170. Gabriel Acquin – June 5, 2013
  171. The Seigniories of New Brunsiwck – May 29, 2013
  172. An 1841 Trek up the Oromocto River – May 22, 2013
  173. Fredericton’s Exhibition Palace, and Bears in N.B. – May 15, 2013
  174. Murder on Diamond Square Road – May 8, 2013
  175. Acadian Historic Sites in New Brunswick – May 1, 2013
  176. John C. Tracy’s Book, Part 5 of 5 – Apr. 24, 2013
  177. John C. Tracy’s Book, Part 4 of 5 – Apr. 17, 2013
  178. John C. Tracy’s Book, Part 3 of 5 – Apr. 10, 2013
  179. John C. Tracy’s Book, Part 2 of 5 – Apr. 3, 2013
  180. John C. Tracy’s Book, Part 1 of 5 – Mar. 27, 2013
  181. A Retrospective Look at Saint John – Mar. 20, 2013
  182. The Wreck of the England – Mar. 13, 2013
  183. The First Decade of the 1800’s in St. John, N.B. – Mar. 6, 2013
  184. St. John’s Poorhouse and Workhouse – Feb. 27, 2013, Rev. Sept. 9, 2015
  185. New Brunswick Scenes From an Old Book – Feb. 20, 2013
  186. Nice Pictures From Another Old Book – Feb. 13, 2013
  187. Life in the Backwoods of New Brunswick, Part 2/2 – Feb. 6, 2013
  188. Life in the Backwoods of New Brunswick, 1845 – Jan. 30, 2013
  189. The Works of W.O. Raymond – Jan. 23, 2013
  190. The Year of the Fever – Jan. 16, 2013
  191. Hanged for the Theft of 25 Cents – Jan. 9, 2013
  192. Reversing Falls – Pictures – Jan. 2, 2013
  193. Christmas as it was in 1808 – Dec. 25, 2012
  194. Nice Pictures From an Old Book – Dec. 19, 2012
  195. The Saint John Bridge Collapse of 1837 – Dec. 12, 2012
  196. The First Road Bridge Across the Reversing Falls – Dec. 5, 2012
  197. The Mystery of the First Lizzie Morrow – Nov. 28, 2012
  198. The First Murder Trial on the River St. John – Nov. 21, 2012
  199. The March of the 104th Regiment in 1812 – Nov. 14, 2012
  200. Partridge Island – Nov. 7, 2012
  201. Fredericton’s First Bridge Across the Saint John River – Oct. 31, 2012
  202. 1816, The Year Without a Summer – Oct. 31, 2012
  203. Winslow to Wentworth, 1781 – Oct. 31, 2012
  204. Oops! An explanation – Oct. 31, 2012
  205. The Saxby Gale of 1869 – Oct. 31, 2012
  206. New Brunswick’s Third Town in 1838: Saint Andrews – Oct. 31, 2012
  207. Fredericton and York County in 1838 – Oct. 31, 2012
  208. The City and County of Saint John in 1838 – Sept. 26, 2012
  209. The St. Andrews and Quebec Railroad – Sept. 19, 2012
  210. The Studholm Report of Saint John River Pre-Loyalists in 1783 – Sept. 12, 2012
  211. Caleb Jones. Further RE: Ann, otherwise known as Nancy – Sept. 5, 2012
  212. The Wreck of the Martha – Aug. 29, 2012
  213. The Early Settlement of Maugerville and the Sheffield Parsonage Dispute – Aug. 22, 2012
  214. Lieutenant Governors of New Brunswick to Confederation, Part 2 of 2 – Aug. 15, 2012
  215. Lieutenant Governors of New Brunswick to Confederation, Part 1 of 2 – Aug. 8, 2012
  216. The Morrow House at French Lake, N.B. – New Information – Aug. 1, 2012
  217. Sound by Glen Glenn, Revision 1 – July 25, 2012
  218. Ann, otherwise known as Nancy – July 18, 2012
  219. The Fire of October 7, 1825 – Beyond the Miramichi – July 11, 2012
  220. Lemuel Allan Wilmot – July 4, 2012
  221. The Great Fire at Miramichi, October 7, 1825 – June 27, 2012
  222. Robert Rankin in New Brunswick – June 20, 2012
  223. Who Owned the Mill at Tracy, New Brunswick? – June 13, 2012
  224. Signatures of Sunbury County Ancestors – June 6, 2012
  225. Daniel Wood’s Log Cabin, and Little Field Barn at French Lake, New Brunswick – May 30, 2012
  226. Rusagonis and George Garraty – May 23, 2012
  227. Epitaph Transcriptions from a Collection – May 16, 2012
  228. Central New Brunswick Gravestones from a Genealogy – May 9, 2012
  229. Nashwaak River Pictures with Stewart Family Connections – May 2, 2012
  230. More Sunbury County Photographs from a Collection – Apr. 25, 2012
  231. An Indian Burial Ground at Oromocto; and Coal Mining on the Oromocto River – Apr. 22, 2012
  232. “Days of Old” by Katherine DeWitt and Norma Alexander – Apr. 18, 2012
  233. The Wood Cemetery at French Lake, New Brunswick – Apr. 11, 2012
  234. James Glenie in New Brunswick – Apr. 4, 2012
  235. Four Generations of the Stewart Family on the Nashwaak River – Mar. 28, 2012
  236. Three Generations of the Mersereau Family in New Brunswick – Mar. 21, 2012
  237. Three Generations of the Smith Family of Sunbury County, New Brunswick – Mar. 14, 2012
  238. Three Generations of the Wood Family of French Lake, New Brunswick – Mar. 7, 2012
  239. New Brunswick Education in 1883 – Feb. 29, 2012
  240. Riots and Demonstrations in Saint John – Feb. 20, 2012
  241. Making Better Butter – Feb. 18, 2012
  242. York County Place Names, 1896/1905 – Feb. 8, 2012
  243. Sunbury County Place Names, 1896/1905 – Feb. 1, 2012
  244. Stereoscopic slides from Fred Stewart, Part 3 of 3 – Jan. 25, 2012
  245. Stereoscopic slides from Fred Stewart, Part 2 of 3 – Jan. 18, 2012
  246. Stereoscopic slides from Fred Stewart, Part 1 of 3 – Jan. 11, 2012
  247. The Hon. Thomas Baillie: Gone, but not soon forgotten! – Jan. 5, 2012
  248. The Fort at Oromocto, 1780 – 1783 – Dec. 29, 2011
  249. The Great Fire in Fredericton, 1850 – Early Accounts – Dec. 15, 2011
  250. The Morrow House at French Lake, and More – Dec. 8, 2011
  251. The Old Woman House at French Lake, New Brunswick – Dec. 1, 2011
  252. Smith Family Photographs from a Collection, Sunbury County, N.B. – Nov. 25, 2011
  253. French Lake from Before we Remember – Nov. 20, 2011
  254. How Geary became known as Geary – Nov. 9, 2011
  255. Elizabeth (Smith) Secord; N.B.’s First Woman Registered Doctor – Nov. 4, 2011
  256. Phillips Family Photographs from a Collection, Rusagonis, N.B. – Nov. 2, 2011
  257. Mersereau Family Photographs from a Collection, Sunbury County, N.B. – Oct. 30, 2011
  258. Wood Family Photographs from a Collection, French Lake, N.B. – Oct. 25, 2011
  259. Jeremiah Tracy: Pioneer of the Village of Tracy, New Brunswick – Oct. 20, 2011
  260. Two Old Railroad-Inspired Songs – Oct. 16, 2011
  261. Ode to the Oromocto River – Oct. 10, 2011
  262. John Mersereau, Loyalist 2 – Oct. 4, 2011
  263. The Earliest American Railroads and Locomotives – Sept. 14, 2011
  264. The Mersereau Manufacturing Company of Brooklyn, New York, Notes – Sept. 3, 2011
  265. George Morrow of French Lake, New Brunswick – 1801-1868 – Aug. 26, 2011
  266. The Wood Family of French Lake, New Brunswick – Legends – Aug. 9, 2011
  267. The Baptist Church on the Oromocto River in New Brunswick – Aug. 7, 2011
  268. John Wood of French Lake, New Brunswick – 1788-1868 – Aug. 2, 2011
  269. Daniel Wood of French Lake, New Brunswick – 1764-1847 – Aug. 1, 2011
  270. Three Stewarts on the Nashwaak – July 24, 2011
  271. Bunker Genealogy – Five Bunkers – July 20, 2011
  272. Statistics From the 1851 and 1871 Sunbury County New Brunswick Census Reports – July 19, 2011
  273. Historical Development of the Beam Bending Equation M=fS – July 18, 2011
  274. Seth Noble, Maugerville and the American Revolution – July 16, 2011
  275. Columns, the Long and the Short of it – 1729-1900 – July 15, 2011
  276. The Great Saint John Steel Cantilever Bridge – July 13, 2011
  277. The Upper Oromocto River in 1847 – July 11, 2011
  278. Early Glimpses of the Rusagonis Baptist Church in New Brunswick – July 11, 2011
  279. Abraham Gesner’s 1847 Observations of Sport Hunting in New Brunswick – July 11, 2011
  280. It Sounds a bit Too Easy – July 10, 2011
  281. James Buncker – July 10, 2011
  282. Inconsistent Petitions; Changed Self-Interests – July 10, 2011
  283. Abner Mersereau and a Letter – July 9, 2011
  284. Early Glimpses of the Patterson Settlement Baptist Church in New Brunswick – July 9, 2011
  285. The Textile Mill at Geary, New Brunswick – July 8, 2011
  286. Letter of Mi’kmaq’ Chief Pemmeenauweet to Queen Victoria – 1841 – July 7, 2011
  287. New Brunswick in the 1840s – July 7, 2011

Regards,

John Wood

Written by johnwood1946

May 25, 2016 at 8:24 AM

Posted in Uncategorized

Thomas Wood, and His Visit to the Saint John River in 1769

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From the blog at http://JohnWood1946.wordpress.com

Thomas Wood, and His Visit to the Saint John River in 1769

Thomas Wood

Thomas Wood, from Wikipedia

He was certainly not dressed like this when on the St. John River in 1769

Disclosure: I am not related to this Thomas Wood, as far as I know.

The first settlers at Maugerville and Sheffield built a community in a wilderness from scratch, but their location was so remote that their Congregationalist services were conducted without a clergyman. Marriages and other ceremonies were cobbled together as best they could. They eventually managed to attract settled ministers but, for a long time, an occasional travelling minister was all that they had. An Anglican priest, Thomas Wood, was one of these visiting clergymen, which raises the topic of this blog posting. Who, then, was Thomas Wood, and what did he experience on the Saint John River?

Thomas Wood lived a fairly ordinary life. He was an intelligent man and well educated for his time, and he also had a successful career but not unusually so. However, he had something in common with a lot of other people that made a difference, and that was that he was present in interesting places at interesting times. He arrived in Halifax early in the English period, even before the first House of Assembly. He is also of interest to Anglican Church historians because he was one of their earliest priests there. He worked with the Mi’kmaq people in Nova Scotia and is therefore part of their history. Finally, he made a short tour of the Saint John River in 1769. This was a time and place that is well chronicled, but every bit of information about what was going on in that wilderness remains important. And so all of Thomas’ yesterdays remain of interest to us today, more than 200 years after his death.

Thomas Wood was born in 1711 in New Jersey. He practiced as a surgeon in New York and Philadelphia and was also as a military surgeon at Louisbourg between 1746 and 1748. Following that, he relocated to England and was ordained a Priest of the Church of England in 1749. The people of New Brunswick, New Jersey then requested that the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel appoint him a Missionary to them, which was done.

In 1752, Wood went to Halifax with the permission of Governor Cornwallis. It was his intention to become the Missionary there, but he was not appointed to that post. He instead become an assistant at Saint Paul’s Church in Halifax and Chaplin to the first House of Assembly. He served as a Missionary throughout Nova Scotia, as far west as Annapolis.

Wood spoke English, French and German and, while in Nova Scotia, also mastered the Mi’kmaq language. This placed him on a par, as far as ministering to the Indians was concerned, with his Catholic counterpart, Abbé Pierre Maillard. Wood and Maillard were close associates and their friendship has been the subject of much debate. Maillard had accepted that Nova Scotia was then under British control and was also friendly to the Anglican faith to a degree that made later generations wonder about his personal ambitions under the British administration, and even his fidelity to Catholicism. Wood is also suspected by some of attempting to convert Maillard or to undercut his ministry. There may be truth to some of this, but it appears overly speculative.

Another aspect of Thomas Wood’s work in Nova Scotia is the attention that he paid to the Mi’kmaq. It has already been noted that he spoke their language, and a church service in July of 1767 is often cited as an example of this. That service was attended by many notable citizens of Halifax, all English, in addition to many native people. It was conducted in Mi’kmaq. Later that year he performed a marriage between two Mi’kmaq, the bride being the daughter of Thoma. Thoma called himself “king of the Micmacs,” and I have some sympathy for his assertion. After all, if the British could have a hereditary king, then why could the Mi’kmaq not also have one? In addition, if Thoma was the king of the Mi’kmaq, then, by implication, the Mi’kmaq were not subservient to the King of England. It all made perfect sense. This ‘Thoma’ was not the chief of that name from the Saint John River, but was another man.

For me, the most interesting part of Thomas Wood’s story is his trip to the Saint John River in 1769, accompanied by Capt. William Spry of the Engineers. He arrived at Saint John and, on July 2nd, conducted a service in English and baptized four English children. He then conducted another service in Mi’kmaq but only baptized one child since most of the others had already been baptized by a Catholic missionary. In the evening he conducted a third service, this time in French, which the Indians again attended. An anthem was sung, which “they performed very harmoniously.” This was quite an accomplishment, to have “perform’d Divine Service and preach’d there in English in the forenoon and in Indian in the afternoon to thirteen Indian men and women who happen’d to arrive there in their way to Passamaquoddy,” and then again in the evening to the French.

A week later, Wood arrived in Maugerville where most of the people were Dissenting Protestants – Congregationalists. These people were very devout, but were so remote and few in number that they had had difficulty attracting a minister. Wood’s arrival was a special event and his service was attended by more than 200 people. Wood thought that the settlers of Maugerville, Gagetown and Burton, as well as the Maliseets could be easily converted to Anglicanism if a good missionary was placed among them and if Catholic priests were not allowed. The visit to Gagetown was notable, as he baptized “twins … born in an open canoe on the River, 2 leagues from any house.” The twins were Joseph and Mary Kendrick, children of John and Dorothy Kendrick. The reference to keeping out Catholic priests is noted, but his statement was not nearly as doctrinaire as other commentators of the era.

Thomas Wood later reported to the S.P.G. that, at Aukpaque, above Fredericton, …

“the Chief of the Indians came down to the Landing place and Handed us out of our Boat, and immediately, several of the Indians, who were drawn out on the occasion, discharg’d a volley of Musketry turned from us, as a signal of receiving their Friends; the Chief then welcomed us and Introduced us to the other Chiefs, after Inviting us to their Council Chamber, as they called it, viz.: their largest wigwam, conducted us thither, the rest of the Indians following: just before we arrived … we were again Saluted with their Musketry drawn up as before, where after some discourse relative to Monsieur Bailie, the French Priest, who the Government have at present thought proper to allow them and finding them uneasy that they had no Priest among them for some time past I told them that the Governor had employed him to go to the Indians to the Eastward of Halifax and therefore had sent me to officiate with them in his absence: They then seem’d well enough satisfied; and at their desire I begun prayers with them in Mickmack, they all kneeling down and behaving very devotely; the Service concluded with an Anthem and the Blessing, and altho’ there were several among them of the three different Tribes they almost all of them understood the Mickmack language and I am fully convinced had I been sent among them two years ago … and no Popish Priest had been allowed to have been with them, that the greatest part, if not all of them, by this time, had become in a great measure if not altogether Protestant and the English Inhabitants on St. John’s River are of the same opinion.”

The various references excerpt this quote differently, and this is an attempt to assemble it to greater completeness.

That ends Thomas Wood’s tour of the settlements on the Saint John River and, with it, this blog posting. All I can say is that we are lucky that his shadow can still be seen, more than 200 years later.

References:

  1. Herbert Lee, An historical sketch of the first fifty years of the Church of England in the province of New Brunswick (1783-1833), Saint John, N.B., 1880
  2. F. Pascoe, Two Hundred Years of the S.P.G., an Historical Account of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1701-1900, London, 1901
  3. O. Raymond, History of the St John River, AD 1604-1784, Saint John, N.B., 1905
  4. Christmas Edward Thomas, Wood, Thomas, Dictionary of Canadian Biography.

Written by johnwood1946

May 25, 2016 at 8:23 AM

Posted in Uncategorized

The Northern Colonies: Languishing in Mediocrity – ca 1804

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From the blog at http://JohnWood1946.wordpress.com

The Northern Colonies: Languishing in Mediocrity – ca 1804

Suspension Br Grand Falls

The Suspension Bridge at Grand Falls, With the Gorge Full of Logs

N.B. Museum, via the McCord Museum

This blog posting is set in 1804, when New Brunswick was not doing well. It is not a happy story. The population had hardly grown since the Loyalist influx of 1783, and Edward Winslow was complaining about out-migration to the west and to the United States. The economy was stagnant and exports were disadvantaged by competition from the Americans. Britain had not paid much attention to the situation because they had been preoccupied with wars with Napoleonic France. Thomas Carleton had retired to Britain and would not be replaced for another 13 years.

In 1804, the ‘merchants and other inhabitants’ of Saint John petitioned a British Secretary of State with their concerns. This followed another similar petition from business people in Halifax. The petitions focused on trade opportunities between the Maritime region and the West Indies.

The Americans had already rejected any proposed trade treaty that would have excluded them from the West Indian market. In the meantime, shippers in the Maritimes had to pay high insurance rates to guard against French privateers, while the Americans had been neutral in the Napoleonic conflicts and had lower insurance rates. Ships’ crews were also paid more in the Maritimes because of labor shortages. The Americans paid subsidies to their fishermen such that the more they fished, the more they got from government; but these subsidies were not matched by the British. Finally, New Brunswick timber coming down the St. Croix River was being channeled through U.S. mills rather than to N.B. mills.

In general, the fishery was in decline and was facing ruin, while the timber industry could not compete for markets in the West Indies. There were too few ships to support export markets anyway, and shippers often had to lease British vessels. Smuggling was rampant and Maritimers had little option but to sell their products in the U.S. at low prices and to watch as they were resold in the West Indies at higher prices.

There were efforts to restrict illegal trade by Americans, including illegal landings at N.B. ports to load up with fish or timber without paying duties. The province relied more and more on the timber trade with Britain, and masts in particular. The economy began to improve, but the fishery did not develop to its potential and agriculture languished as would-be farmers made their money in the woods.

Following are briefing-notes written in response to the Saint John and Halifax petitions, as found in Letters from Canada written during a residence there in the years 1806, 1807 …, by Hugh Grey.

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Memorial and Statement of the Case Referred to in the Aannexed Petitions

As every British province and island in these northern climates in individually able to furnish the West India islands with some essential article of consumption, which in whole, or in part, is deficient in others, the Petitioners, in the following statement, have extended their observations beyond the limits of the single province in which they reside.

The West India islands require to be supplied with the undermentioned articles, viz.

From the Fisheries—Dried cod fish, barrel or pickled fish, viz. salmon, herring (of various species), and mackarel and oil.

Forest—Lumber, viz. squared timber, scantling, planks and boards, shingles, clapboards, hoops, and oak staves.

Agriculture—Biscuits and flour, Indian corn and meal, pork, beef, butter, cheese, potatoes, and onions; livestock, viz. horses, oxen, hogs, sheep and poultry.

Mines—Coals.

Of these articles, the following are produced by the several colonies.—New Brunswick produces, in the greatest abundance, lumber of every kind, except oak staves; it yields already many of the smaller articles which serve to complete a cargo, and its shores abound with various fish fit for pickling. Nova Scotia produces lumber of all sorts, except oak staves, but in a lesser degree than New Brunswick; horses, oxen, sheep, and all the other productions of agriculture, except wheat and Indian corn; the Eastern and Northern parts of the province abound in coal, and its whole coast yields inexhaustible quantities of cod fish, and others fit for pickling.

Cape Breton and Prince Edward islands; the former yields coal in abundance, its fisheries are considerable; but without dealing directly with the West Indies, they serve to increase the exports of Nova Scotia. Both these islands supply Newfoundland with cattle, and with due encouragement would rival some of the more opulent colonies, in articles of agriculture; their fisheries also may be greatly extended, as the whole circuit of these islands abound in fish.

Canada can supply any quantity of oak staves, as well as flour and Indian corn, for six months in the year. Newfoundland yields little lumber, but its trade in dried cod fish has hitherto, in a great measure, supplied all Europe and the West Indies, and it is capable of still greater extension.

The petitioners have therefore no hesitation in affirming, that these mother colonies are able to supply the West Indies with dried fish, and every species of pickled fish, for their consumption; and that at no very distant period they could also supply all the other articles herein before enumerated, except, perhaps, flour, Indian meal and corn, and oak staves.

Having stated the foregoing facts, the petitioners beg leave to request the attention of his Majesty’s ministers to the peculiar circumstances of this province, the permanent establishment of which took place about fifty-four years ago; for previous to the settlement of Halifax, there were few inhabitants in it, and but little trade. The mother country, sensible of the favourable situation of this colony for fisheries, that its harbours are seldom more than a few miles from each other, and that its extensive sea coast teems every season with shoals of fish of the most useful sorts, made every effort to establish them. The fisheries, however, until the close of the American war, languished from one cause only—the want of inhabitants. The influx of inhabitants at that time, and since, has promoted industry and domestic comfort, and a race of people born on the soil have become attached to it. The clearing of the lands, and other causes, have improved the climate; and by a late survey of the interior of the Province, it is discovered that the lands are not only better than had been imagined, but superior to the greater part of the rest of North America.

The present situation of this Province with regard to its trade, resembles that of New England at the close of the seventeenth century; and unless checked at this crisis, it has the most reasonable expectation of a more rapid increase than the latter ever experienced.

Encouraged by the prospect before them, and conscious of the abuses that have crept into the fisheries the Petitioners are looking forward to the aid of the Provincial Legislature, and to other means, for correcting those abuses and for establishing and improving the fisheries, that great source of wealth to the parent state, the colonial husbandman, and merchant: but they perceive with regret, that their efforts will prove ineffectual, unless the citizens of the United States, according to the ancient policy of Great Britain towards foreigners are wholly or partially excluded from the islands, or a permanent equivalent is granted to the colonists.

The American Legislature has rejected the 12th Article of the late Treaty; the citizens of the United States would have been excluded from the West Indies, if the governors of those islands had not, under the plea of necessity, by proclamation, admitted them. In this trade the Americans possess the following advantages over the colonists.

First,—In the Islands of Barbados, Antigua, Saint Kitt’s, and Jamaica, a stranger’s duty of two and a half, or more, per cent, is imposed on imports, and in the Island of Saint Vincent, British subjects exclusively are subject to a duty of three per cent, which must be paid in specie, and to procure which a forced sale is frequently made of part of the cargo to great disadvantage. From this duty the Americans, being invited by proclamation, are exempt.

Second,—During the late and present war, the citizens of the United States, being neutrals, have not been burthened with the heavy charge of insurance against the enemy, which to the colonists has increased the premium ten per cent, to the smaller islands, and twelve and a half per cent, to Jamaica.

Third,—The northern States have granted a bounty of near 20 shillings per ton, on vessels in their fisheries.

From those circumstances, so unable are the petitioners to contend with the Americans in the West India markets, that they derive greater advantage by selling their fish at an inferior price in the United States; whence the Americans re-export them to the West India Islands under the above-mentioned advantages, so as to make a profit even on their outward voyage.

It is well known, and in an ample report made to Congress in the years 1790 and 1791, by the now President of the United States, then their Secretary of State, it was set forth, that the fisheries of New England were on the verge of ruin, and he recommended, what was afterwards adopted,—the grant of a bounty to counterbalance the disadvantages the trade then laboured under. At that period, the fisheries of Nova Scotia made a rapid increase; the whale fishery alone from the port of Halifax Consisted of twenty-eight sail of ships and brigs from 60 to 200 tons burthen; but the succeeding war and other unfavourable circumstances soon destroyed this important branch of the fishery. By the aid of bounties from the State Legislature, the American fisheries recovered their former vigour, and are now carried on with great spirit, increasing their trade with the West India to an incredible extent; considerable numbers of our best fishermen have emigrated from Newfoundland and this Province, to the United States, within a few months, and more are daily following them: thus it appears evident, that a wise policy, steadily pursued, will preserve a sinking trade, and that this Province is not wanting in exertion, when favourable opportunities for it are offered.

Should the Americans obtain by treaty an indulgence of their trade in fish with the West Indies, it will prove the ruin of that of the British Northern Colonies, and draw away from them their most industrious inhabitants. The islands will then depend on Foreign States for supplies of all the articles before enumerated; and if at any time hereafter differences should take place between Great Britain and the American States, from what quarter, it may be asked, are the Islands to obtain their supplies; the ruined trade and fisheries of those colonies may prove, too late, the fatal policy of throwing into the hands of foreigners a trade, which, with a little encouragement, might have been almost, if not entirely, confined to British subjects.

From these considerations the justice and policy of giving encouragement to the Northern Colonies are evident. Should the stranger’s duty, imposed in the Islands, be taken off; should a bounty equal to that granted by the State Legislature be allowed, and the present war succeeded by a peace, then may the West India Islands receive from these Colonies supplies of all kinds of dried or pickled fish, on terms as advantageous as they are now furnished with them from a Foreign State. It is obvious that the Americans, and the West India planters, have a mutual interest in the free trade to the Islands, but the planters have no right to expect supplies from a neutral nation in time of war, merely because it affords them at a cheaper rate than the British Colonies; they should bear the inconveniences of war as well as their fellow subjects, who have been driven into these northern regions by their zealous loyalty in support of the happy constitution under which they now live. The supplies required by the Islands cannot greatly increase; while the Northern Colonies, from their great extent and growing population, will every year be more and more able to furnish those supplies. The Islands are, in a measure, limited in their extent; but the Northern Colonies are almost unbounded.

The inhabitants of those colonies have acquired their present condition, which, at best, is mediocrity, by a continued exertion of industry and frugality, under a climate and a soil, which yield their blessings to persevering exertion alone. The West India planters have ever been in a different situation, and can afford to wait a reasonable time for the accomplishment of those expectations which are justly entertained by the colonists; in the interim, they ought to give a fair equivalent for the articles of which they stand in need, and not expect, at an inferior price, commodities whose value the imperious circumstances of the times have tended to enhance. The northern colonists have struggled with all the difficulties incident to a young country, and they are now arrived at a period, when, if duly encouraged, they may be enabled to reap the fruits of their honest labour: but restricted in their trade to the Mediterranean by an ancient regulation, which obliges them to land their cargoes in some English European port, before they can proceed on homeward-bound voyages, and burthened also in the manner here stated in the West India trade, the petitioners cannot contend with the Americans, but look forward with the most distressful prospects to means of procuring a future subsistence, unless his Majesty, in his goodness, shall be pleased to afford them protection and relief. They therefore anxiously hope, that the observations contained in this memorial may not appear unworthy of the attention of his Majesty’s ministers, but that whatever temporary indulgences may be granted to the American citizens, the British colonists, agreeably to their former solicitations on that subject, may be permitted to return to America, without entering at any port in Great Britain.

Written by johnwood1946

May 18, 2016 at 8:37 AM

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Fredericton’s Victoria Cottage Hospital

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From the blog at http://JohnWood1946.wordpress.com

Fredericton’s Victoria Cottage Hospital

Samuel Leonard Tilley was almost 70 years old in 1888. He had been a ‘reformer’ in the New Brunswick legislature. He had also promoted the building of the Intercolonial Railway and the C.P.R. and was a Father of Confederation. He had been a minister of finance in Ottawa, and was, in 1888, Lieutenant Governor of New Brunswick for the second time. He had been made ‘Sir’ Samuel Leonard Tilley in 1879. It is therefore not surprising that his wife, Lady Alice Chipman Tilley, was well able to promote her good works which included a project to build the Victoria Cottage Hospital in Fredericton.

It was early in 1887 when Lady Alice decided that she needed to leverage her position by contributing, somehow, to the public good. She considered the possibilities, and based upon what she saw as divine guidance, decided to build Fredericton’s first hospital. She persuaded the government to donate a lot of land next to Government House and began to promote the project in the newspapers. There was also a committee of ‘some gentlemen’ friends who solicited contributions. Another friend, in New Jersey, sent her sample building designs from which she chose a ‘cottage’ style building from which a Saint John man developed the final plans.

A cottage design was a popular idea in those days, when pleasant surroundings were expected to contribute to recovery. The provincial mental hospital in Saint John was located on a similar philosophy. Here, a person could benefit from a pleasant rural setting while remaining within eyesight of the city. It provided, as they thought, a sense of hope on the horizon. It was therefore significant that the Victoria Cottage hospital was “elevated above the water, ‘the silent river gliding slowly to the sea,’ with the meadows beyond.”

The financial campaign quickly succeeded with contributions from around the province and around the world. A bazaar was then organized to collect funds locally. The parliament building and grounds were donated for the bazaar, and a military academy helped out. The bazaar was in conjunction with Queen Victoria’s golden jubilee, and was successful. An additional six thousand dollars were raised.

The cornerstone was laid on June 21, 1887, and the hospital was opened on June 21, 1888, which was only a year and a half after Lady Alice first envisaged it. Premier A.G. Blair led the ceremony. There was a Board of Trustees, Blair being President. A maintenance fund was in place, supported by the province and the city in addition to churches and other organizations.

The hospital needed a separate building for the treatment of contagious diseases. It seems that this building was not there when the main hospital was opened. The required $1,000 was contributed by a man in Canterbury, N.B., however, and the second building was added shortly thereafter.

The hospital was a great addition to the quality of medical care in Fredericton, but more was soon required. Several additions were made, with the original ‘cottage’ disappearing, and it became simply the Victoria Public Hospital in 1889. This, of course was superseded by the Doctor Everett Chalmers Hospital in 1977.

References: The primary reference for this blog posting is a little book entitled Victoria Cottage Hospital, Fredericton, N.B., Opened June, 1888, by Lady Alice Chipman Tilley, Saint John, 1888. This appears to be the transcript of her opening-day speech, with a brief afterward describing the additional building for treating contagious diseases.

Victtoria Cottage Hospital 3

A concept sketch of the Victoria Cottage Hospital, from Lady Alice’s book, published in 1888. It was reasonably accurate, but some changes were made.

Victoria Cottage Hospital

Lady Alice Chipman Tilley’s Victoria Cottage Hospital in the center, with the facility for contagious diseases to the left and an addition to the right. From the Provincial Archives of New Brunswick.

Victoria Cottage Hospital 2

Another image of the same vintage, from mynewbrunswick.ca, with a credit to Vintage Fredericton Photos on Facebook.

Written by johnwood1946

May 11, 2016 at 8:34 AM

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The Passamaquoddy Wampum Records

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From the blog at http://JohnWood1946.wordpress.com

Wampum could be a decorative item, such as beadwork. If such an item was used for ceremonial purposes then it might have significance going beyond decoration. Wampum has also been described as currency, but I’m not sure that that is a good description. Maybe it would be better to call it a trade item having decorative value. The wampum discussed in this blog post is something else altogether, and that is as a medium for recording history, legends and laws. “Talking sticks” would be wampum of that kind, though it could also take forms other than sticks.

The following paper about wampum was written by John Dyneley Prince and was presented to the American Philosophical Society on December 3, 1897. It discusses wampum in general, and also offers translations of several important documents that were recorded in that way. These Passamaquoddy Wampum Records are also significant to the Mi’kmaq and Maliseet people. Spelling is as found.

Wampum Sticks

Wampum Sticks, or Talking Sticks,

from ‘Native American Extensions’ on Pinterest

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The Passamaquoddy Wampum Records

The Passamaquoddy Indians of Maine, who, together with the Penobscots, now occupy Oldtown on the Penobscot River as their headquarters, are members of the great Algonkin family which was in former times the dominant native race from Nova Scotia to the Carolinas. The language still in use among the Passamaquoddies is a northern dialect of the Algonkin stock, very closely allied to the idiom of the Etchemins or Maliseets of New Brunswick and to that of the Abenakis or St. Francis Indians of Quebec, and less closely, although nearly, related to the language of the Micmacs of Nova Scotia.

The Passamaquoddies, Penobscots, Maliseets, Abenakis and Micmacs call themselves by the common name Wabanaki or “children of the dawn-country,” which was in earlier days the generic name of the entire Algonkin family. These five tribes seem to have been members of a federation both with one another and with the Iroquoian Six Nations, and the Passamaquoddies have preserved the traditions regarding both of these unions in their Wampum Records, the text and translation of which are given in the present article.

The records of an Indian tribe were in nearly all cases orally transmitted by elderly men whose memories had been especially trained for the purpose from their early youth. It was customary for these keepers of the tribal history from time to time to instruct younger members of the clan in the annals of their people. The records thus transmitted in the case of the Passamaquoddies were kept in the memory of the historians by means of a mnemonic system of wampum shells arranged on strings in such a manner that certain combinations suggested certain sentences or ideas to the narrator or “reader,” who, of course, already knew his record.by heart and was merely aided by the association in his mind of the arrangement of the wampum beads with incidents or sentences in the tale, song or ceremony which he was rendering. This explains such expressions as “marriage wampum” or “burial wampum,” which are common among the Passamaquoddies and simply mean combinations of wampum which suggested to the initiated interpreter the ritual of the tribal marriage and burial ceremonies.

This custom of preserving records by means of a mnemonic system was peculiar to all the tribes of the Algonkin race as well as to the Iroquoian clans. Brinton refers to the record or tally sticks of the Crees and Chipeways as the “rude beginning of a system of mnemonic aids.” It seems to have been customary in early times to burn a mark or rude figure on a stick suggestive of a sentence or idea. Brinton adds: “In later days, instead of burning the marks upon the stick, they were painted, the colors as well as the figures having certain conventional meanings. The sticks are described as about six inches in length, slender, although varying in shape, and tied up in bundles.” Among the more cultured tribes the sticks were eventually replaced by wooden tablets, on which the symbols were engraved with a sharp instrument, such as a flint or knife. The Passamaquoddies appear never to have advanced beyond the use of wampum strings as mnemonic aids.

I obtained the Wampum Records at Bar Harbor, Me., in 1887, from a Passamaquoddy Indian, Mr. Louis Mitchell, who was at that time Indian member of the Maine Legislature. The MSS. which he sent me contained both the Indian text and a translation into Indian-English, which I have rearranged in an idiom I trust somewhat more intelligible to the general reader. Owing to the fact that the Indian text in Mitchell’s MSS is written syllabically, without any attempt at a division into words, much less into sentences or paragraphs, the difficulty of editing the same with even approximate correctness has been very great. I have followed almost exactly Mr. Mitchell’s extremely variable orthography, although tempted in many cases to depart from it, as he has written what is evidently the same sound sometimes in as many as three different ways. Thus, he was clearly unable to distinguish between j and ch, a, u and e, or oo and u, and he uses k-c, kw-qu, b-p, etc., apparently indiscriminately. I plead guilty in advance, therefore, to any errors which may occur in the original text, trusting that the interesting character and historial value of the records themselves will justify their publication in the state in which I offer them.

The Wampum Records in English

Many bloody fights had been fought, many men, women and children had been tortured by constant and cruel wars until some of the wise men among the Indians began to think that something must be done, and that whatever was to be done should be done quickly. They accordingly sent messengers to all parts of the country, some going to the South, others to the East, and others to the West and Northwest. Some even went as far as the Wabanaki. It was many months before the messengers reached the farthest tribes. When they arrived at each nation, they notified the people that the great Indian nations of the Iroquois, Mohawks and others had sent them to announce the tidings of a great Lagootwagon or general council for a treaty of peace. Every Indian who heard the news rejoiced, because they were all tired of the never-ending wars. Every tribe, therefore, sent two or more of their cleverest men as representatives to the great council.

When all the delegates were assembled they began to deliberate concerning what was best to do, as they all seemed tired of their evil lives. The leading Chief then spoke as follows: “As we look back upon our blood-stained trail, we see that many wrongs have been done by all of our people. Our gory tomahawks, clubs, bows and arrows must undoubtedly be buried for ever.” It was decided, therefore, by all concerned to make a general Lagootwagon or treaty of peace, and a day was appointed when they should begin the rites.

For seven days, from morning till night, a strict silence was observed, during which each representative deliberated on the speech he should make and tried to discover the best means for checking the war. This was called the “Wigwam of Silence.”

After this, they held another wigwam called m’sittakw-wen tle-westoo, or “Wigwam of Oratory.” The ceremonies then began. Each representative recited the history of his nation, telling all the cruelties, tortures and hardships they had suffered during their wars and stating that the time had now come to think of and take pity on their women and children, their lame and old, all of whom had suffered equally with the strongest and bravest warriors. When all the speeches had been delivered, it was decided to erect an extensive fence and within it to build a large wigwam. In this wigwam, they were to make a big fire and, having made a switch or whip, to place “their father” as a guard over the wigwam with the whip in his hand. If any of his children did wrong he was to punish them with the whip. Every child of his within the enclosure must therefore obey his orders implicitly. His duty also was to keep replenishing the fire in the wigwam so that it should not go out. This is the origin of the Wampum laws.

The fence typified a treaty of peace for all the Indian nations who took part in the council, fourteen in number, of which there are many tribes. All these were to go within the fence and dwell there, and if any should do wrong they would be liable to punishment with the whip at the hands of “their father.” The wigwam within the fence represented a universal house for all the tribes, in which they might live in peace, without disputes and quarrels, like members of one family. The big fire (ktchi squt) in the wigwam denoted the warmth of the brotherly love engendered in the Indians by their treaty. The father ruling the wigwam was the Great Chief who lived at Caughnawaga. The whip in his hand was the type of the Wampum laws, disobedience to which was punishable by consent of all the tribes mentioned in the treaty.

After this, they proceeded to make lesser laws, all of which were to be recorded by means of wampum, in order that they could be read to the Indians from time to time. Every feast, every ceremony, therefore, has its own ritual in the wampum; such as the burial and mourning rites after the death of a chief, the installation of a chief, marriage, etc. There were also salutation and visiting wampum.

Ceremonies Customary at the Death of a Chief

When the chief of a tribe died, his flag-pole was cut down and burnt, and his war-like appurtenances, bows and arrows, tomahawk and flag, were buried with him. The Indians mourned for him one year, after which the Pwutwusimwuk or leading men were summoned by the tribe to elect a new chief. The members of one tribe alone could not elect their own chief; according to the common laws of the allied nations, he had to be chosen by a general wigwam. Accordingly, after the council of the leading men had assembled, four or six canoes were dispatched to the Micmac, Penobscot and Maliseet tribes if a Passamaquoddy chief had died. These canoes bore each a little flag in the bow as a sign that the mission on which the messengers came was important. On the arrival of the messengers at their destination, the chief of the tribe to which they came called all his people, children, women and men, to meet the approaching boats. The herald springing to land first sang his salutation song (n’skawewintuagunul), walking back and forth before the ranks of the other tribe. When he had finished his chant the other Indians sang their welcoming song in reply.

As soon as the singing was over they marched to some imwewigwam or meeting house to pray together. The visiting Indians were then taken to a special wigwam allotted to their use over which a flag was set. Here they were greeted informally by the members of the tribe with hand-shaking, etc. The evening of the first day was spent in entertaining the visitors.

On the next day the messengers sent to the chief desiring to see all the tribe assembled in a gwandowanek or dance-hall. When the tribe had congregated there, the strangers were sent for, who, producing their strings of wampum to be read according to the law of the big wigwam, announced the death of the chief of their tribe, “their eldest boy” (ktchi w’skinosismowal), and asked that the tribe should aid them to elect a new chief. The chief of the stranger tribe then arose and formally announced to his people the desire of the envoys, stating his willingness to go to aid them, his fatherless brothers, in choosing a new father. The messengers, arising once more, thanked the chief for his kindness and appointed a day to return to their own people.

The ceremony known as kelhoochun then took place. The chief notified his men that his brothers were ready to go, but that they should not be allowed to go so soon. The small wampum string called kellhoweyi or prolongation of the stay was produced at this point, which read that the whole tribe, men, women and children, were glad to see their brothers with them and begged them to remain a day or two longer; that “our mothers” (kigwusin), e.g., all the tribal women, would keep their paddles yet a little while. This meant that the messengers were not to be allowed to depart so soon.

Here followed the ceremony called N’skahudin. A great hunt was ordered by the chief and the game brought to the meeting-hall and cooked there. The noochila-kalwet or herald went about the village crying wikw-poosaitin, which was intelligible to all. Men, women and children immediately came to the hall with their birch bark dishes and sat about the game in a circle, while four or five men with long-handled dishes distributed the food, of which every person had a share. This feast was called kelhootwi-wikw-poosaltiu. When it was over the Indians dispersed, but returned later to the hall when the messengers sang again their salutation songs in honor of their forefathers, in reply to which the chief of the tribe sang his song of greeting.

When the singing was over the chief seated himself in the midst of the hall with a small drum in one hand and a stick in the other. To the accompaniment of his drum he sang his k’tumasooi-n’tawagunul or dance songs, which was the signal for a general dance, followed by another feast.

The envoys again appointed a day to return, but were deterred in the same manner. As these feasts often lasted three weeks or a month, a dance being held every night, it was frequently a long time before they could go back to their own tribe, because the chief would detain them whenever they wished to return. Such was the custom.

The Ceremony of Installation

When they reached home, however, and the embassies from the other Wabanaki tribes had also returned, the people of the bereaved tribe were summoned to assemble before the messengers, who informed them of the success of their mission. When the delegates from the other tribes, who had been appointed to elect the chief, had arrived and the salutation and welcome ceremonies had been performed, an assembly was called to elect the chief.

This took place about the second day after the arrival of the other Wabanaki representatives. A suitable person, a member of the bereaved tribe, was chosen by acclamation for the office of chief. If there was no objection to him a new flag-pole was made and prepared for raising, and a chief from one of the kindred tribes put a medal of wampum on the chief-elect who was always clothed in new garments. The installing chief then addressed the people, telling them that another “eldest boy” had been chosen, to whom they owed implicit obedience. Turning to the new chief, he informed him that he must act in accordance with the wishes of his people. The main duties of a chief were to act as arbiter in all matters of dispute, and to act as commander-in-chief in case of war, being ready to sacrifice himself for the people’s good if need were.

After this ceremony they marched to the hall, where another dance took place, the new chief singing and beating the drum. A wife of one of the other chiefs then placed a new deer-skin or bearskin on the shoulders of the new chief as a symbol of his authority, after which the dance continued the whole night.

The officers of the new chief (geptins) were still to be chosen. These were seven in number and were appointed in the same manner and with the same ceremonies as the chief. Their duties, which were much more severe, were told them by the installing chief. The flag-pole, which was the symbol of the chief, was first raised. The geptins stood around it, each with a brush in his hand, with which they were instructed to brush off any particle of dust that might come upon it. This signified that it was their duty to defend and guard their chief and that they should be obliged to spill their blood for him, in case of need and in defense of the tribe. All the women and children and disabled persons in the tribe were under the care of the geptins. The chief himself was not allowed to go into battle, but was expected to stay with his people and to give orders in time of danger.

After the tribal officers had been appointed, the greatest festivities were carried on; during the day they had canoe races, foot races and ball-playing, and during the night, feasting and dancing. The Indians would bet on the various sports, hanging the prizes for each game on a pole. It was understood that the winner of the game was entitled to all the valuables hung on this pole. The festivities often lasted an entire month.

The Marriage Ceremony, the Ancient Rite.

It was the duty of the young Indian man who wished to marry to inform his parents of his desire, stating the name of the maiden. The young man’s father then notified all the relatives and friends of the family that his son wished to marry such and such a girl. If the friends and relations were willing, the son was permitted to offer his suit. The father of the youth prepared a clean skin of the bear, beaver or deer, which he presented to his son. Provided with this, the suitor went to the wigwam of his prospective bride’s father and placed the hide at the back of the wigwam or nowteh. The girl’s father then notified his relations and friends, and if there was no objection, he ordered his daughter to seat herself on the skin, as a sign that the young man’s suit was acceptable. The usual wedding ceremonies were then held, viz., a public feast, followed by dancing and singing, which always lasted at least a week.

The Marriage Ceremony in Later Days

After the adoption of the wampum laws the marriage ceremony was much more complicated.

When the young man had informed his parents of his desire to marry and the father had secured the consent of the relations and friends, an Indian was appointed to be the Keloolwett or marriage herald, who, taking the string of wampum called the kelolwawei, went to the wigwam of the girl’s father, generally accompanied by as many witnesses as cared to attend. The herald read the marriage wampum in the presence of the girl and her father, formally stating that such and such a suitor sought his daughter’s hand in marriage. The herald, accompanied by his party, then returned to the young man’s wigwam to await the reply. After the girl’s father had notified his relatives and friends and they had given their consent, the wedding was permitted to go on.

The usual ceremonies then followed. The young man first presented the bride-elect with a new dress. She, after putting it on, went to her suitor’s wigwam with her female friends, where she and her company formally saluted him by shaking hands. This was called wulisakowdowagon or salutation. She then returned to her father’s house, where she seated herself with her following of old women and girls. The groom then assembled a company of his friends, old and young men, and went with them to the bride’s wigwam to salute her in the same manner. When these salutations were over a great feast was prepared by the bride, enough for all the people, men, women and children. The bridegroom also prepared a similar feast. Both of these dinners were cooked in the open air and when the food was ready they cried out k’waltewall “your dishes.” Everyone understood this, which was the signal for the merry-makers to approach and fall to.

The marriage ceremonies, however, were not over yet. The wedding party arrayed themselves in their best attire and formed two processions, that of the bride entering the assembly wigwam first. In later times it was customary to fire a gun at this point as a signal that the bride was in the hall, whereupon the groom’s procession entered the hall in the same manner, when a second gun was fired. The geptins of the tribe and one of the friends of the bride then conducted the girl to the bridegroom to dance with him. At midnight after the dancing a supper was served, to which the bride and groom went together and where she ate with him for the first time. The couple were then addressed by an aged man (no-nmikokemit) on the duties of marriage.

Finally, a number of old women accompanied the newly made wife to her husband’s wigwam, carrying with them her bed-clothes. This final ceremony was called natboonan, taking or carrying the bed.

Written by johnwood1946

May 4, 2016 at 9:19 AM

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From the blog at http://JohnWood1946.wordpress.com

Slog on, or Die

Pokemouche

Pokemouche, New Brunswick in around 1890

From Wikipedia

The Acadians of Nova Scotia had suffered the Expulsion of 1755, and relations were strained with those who remained. The few Acadians along New Brunswick’s eastern coast had made a reluctant peace with the British, but those further north delayed their submission. The French in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and their Mi’kmaq allies had carried out raids against the English, and the Acadians from around Nepisiquid may have participated in this. This was why the Acadians were being “removed,” as described in the following journal.

This ‘removal’ obviously hardened the Acadians against the English, and their Mi’kmaq allies considered themselves to be in a state of war.

Gamaliel Smethurst was an English trader who had a licence from the government of Quebec to trade with the French in the Bay of Chaleur. He was transported to the area in a ship just as the removal was in progress, but was abandoned at Nepisiquid by the ship’s captain who was afraid that the Acadians or the Mi’kmaq would attack him. Smethurst had to find his own way to Fort Cumberland. It was a six-week hard slog by canoe and on foot in the late fall and early winter, the only alternative being death. The few remaining Acadians were helpful in his journey, but he lived in fear that the Mi’kmaq would kill him.

We therefore have a story of adventure from Nepisiquid and proceeding past Caraquet, Pokemouche, Shippagan, Miramichi, Bouctouche, and Baie Verte to Fort Cumberland. This was in 1761, when all that existed at most of these places were their names.

This is from Gamaliel Smethurst’s, A Narrative of an Extraordinary Escape Out of the Hands of the Indians in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, published in London in 1774 and edited and re-printed by W.F. Ganong in the Collections of the New Brunswick Historical Society, 1905.

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Smethurst’s Journal

THURSDAY, October 29, 1761. Left Nipisiquid, in the Bay of Chaleurs. Capt. M’Kenzie, with about fifty Highlanders, had just arrived to remove the people: he took them all unexpectedly; they were very unwilling to be removed. He took about one hundred and eighty persons, with all their vessels, to the number of eleven sloops and shallops. We came out with them in the evening: it was calm, and we were obliged to tow—Got out of the channel. By the obstinacy and confusion of the captain of the brigantine, though I had a French pilot on board, who told us we were too much to the northward, got upon a bank. As it was top of spring-tides, our captain said we would never get off: he seemed frightened out of his senses—Parted with our pilot—He must go with the rest of the French.

FRIDAY, October 30. In the morning I went ashore in the boat—took my papers and trunks along with me—went to find a lighter in order to unload the vessel so much as to lighten her to float—found one—staid to keep her afloat when the tide should come in—sent the men on board for fear they should be wanted, (the night’s tide had been a very low one). Towards noon it began to blow fresh at north-west. About two o’clock saw the brig was got off, but no boat came for me: she tacked all the afternoon, as if to get to windward and come to, but in the evening she bore away. For what reason they did not come ashore for me, cannot account—suppose some accident happened. I was left in a very disagreeable situation. What few French staid behind, were on the other side the bay, and are irritated to the last degree against the English, for the step they have taken to remove their friends from their habitations at this season of the year, and the savages are no friends at all to the English. I was on the harbour—There came a canoe with Indians in the evening—looked about them and walked off. I durst not appear, not knowing what disposition they were in. I staid all night in one of their hovels—durst not make a fire for fear of discovery.

SATURDAY, October 31. Looked impatiently all day—no vessel appeared in site—the wind northwest, brisk breeze, but did not blow over-hard—killed a few ortolans [birds] and dressed them—Some of the inhabitants came searching for little things among the rubbish—one of them promised to take me off in the evening to the habitations of the French on the other side of the bay, but did not—lodged very uncomfortably—slept little—made no fire at night.

SUNDAY, November 1. Was not without hopes to see the brig—she may have put into Port Daniel, and waiting an opportunity to come up. Mr. Charles Duges who is very sick, sent for me—I went to his house—In the evening came back for my trunks—Some persons had attempted to open them both, but did not forced the locks.

MONDAY, November 2. Made an agreement with Capt. Andrews, an Indian, to take me down to Caraquet, in a canoe. In the afternoon came to Mr. Dugas’ brother from Ristioguch—they behave very civilly to me. Mr. Dugas’ brother intends to go to Fort Cumberland when the frost sets in, but I am in hopes of reaching it before that time; at least to hear of the brig along shore, if I can get a conveyance—The Indian Andrews refuses to go.

TUESDAY, November 3. There came a skiff in here from Port Daniel—the people saw nothing of the brig, which convinces me she is gone out of the bay—Agreed with the people of the skiff to take me down to Caraquet, twelve leagues—gave them fifty-six livres.

WEDNESDAY, November 4. Towards noon, set out from Nipisiquid, in company with three Frenchmen; they all look like run-aways, who dare not go to their own country—they belong to Old France—I and they have not made their submission to the English government. The wind was too much to the northward, as the master said, to proceed—We only went over the bay to the deserted huts—they staid to pick up what they could find—they stole about a bushel of salt from one family who had not removed all their things over the bay—this confirms me in opinion they are rogues. Captain M’Kenzie had not taken all the Acadians—there were some women lying in, so he must leave some to take care of them; others were sick, and could not be removed. Those who remained had gone over the bay into the woods, for the sake of fire during the winter. The Acadians make themselves a winter house in two or three days—They cut down a number of pine trees, suitable to the occasion—square them, and place them one upon another, fastening them with trunnels, and fill the crevices with moss; the chimney they secure with clay—they cover their houses with slabs and bark—they are very good broad axe men.

THURSDAY, November 6. As we sailed all night, got down to Caraquet, twelve leagues, by morning. It was a very cold disagreeable night. Old Saint Jean condoled with me upon the occasion, but would not buy any thing I had, to raise a little money; unless I would sell them for a quarter their value—Sold him nine shirts, and some silver lace for a trifle. This man is a native of Old France—married an Indian, and has lived here near fifty years. His son, who is half Indian, called Jean Baptist has married an Indian also. I have traded considerably with him—got him to procure two Indians to go with me to Fort Cumberland in a canoe—He did so, and we agreed for 140 livres, (provided we could get the consent of their tribe)—I thought, if possible to get to Mirimichi (the last French settlement); if not, to Fort Cumberland before the frosts set in—Left my large trunk with Jean Baptist.

FRIDAY, November 6. Put myself into the hands of the Indians. There was an old Indian Squaw, with one eye, and her two great sons: they were of the Pookmoosh tribe of Mickmacks—We embarked in a canoe—set our blanket-sail about eleven o’clock—reached Chipagon in the afternoon—this is three leagues from Caraquet—staid here all night. Captain M’Kenzie had been here, and taken some of the inhabitants—there remains about six families—lay in one of their huts.

SATURDAY, November 7. Today the wind being contrary, the savages would not proceed—the land continues very low, fit for improvement—Chipagon is a good harbour for fishermen, well secured.

SUNDAY, November 8. After dinner we set off from Chipagon, three miles from thence—came to a portage —we are now got into the bay of the gulph of St. Lawrence. There is a passage at Chipagon for small craft, that do not draw above five or six feet of water. Most of the French shallops, with Captain M’Kenzie, went this way. One of the Indians carried the bark canoe, the other carried the blankets, guns, and paddles, while the squaw carried the kettle to cook in, with birch bark, and other small things. After we had walked a league further, we pitched our tent for all night—Lay upon our mother’s lap [the earth]—I was under some apprehensions at first, as I had never travelled with Indians before; however I behaved as if I was not the least afraid—The place we lay at, is six miles from Chipagon.

MONDAY, November 9. All this part of the country very low marshy land, full of inlets, where are salt marshes, and abundance of lakes, with vast quantities of water fowl. Our Indians did not stop to kill any. About noon arrived at Pookmoosh—here are five or six cabins of Indians—Their chief called a council upon my coming amongst them—they had just signed a treaty with the English, which I knew; but they said the English had deceived them by telling them it was peace, whereas the French tell them it is war still. They said the English were a very cunning people, for I had been pretending to trade with the French at Nipisiquid, and had collected them together, and the English came with a net and catched them all. They enquired how I was armed, (my sword happened luckily to be broke the day before with a fall, and my fusee was only a fowling piece;) I had a pistol in my pocket which I did not let them see, for fear of fresh grounds of suspicion. In answer to what they said, I told them it was war still with the French but peace with the Indians; that the people I had been trading with, had made their submission, and were English subjects. I made the squaw of the chief a present of some trifles such as ribbons, &c. This I believe, was as strong an argument as any I used, to procure me an order that the young men should go forward with me on the morrow; though, had they thought I had been any ways concerned with Captain M’’Kenzie in removing the French, they would have cut me to pieces; but this point I had taken care that Jean Baptist cleared up to the two Indians and the squaw, before we left Caraquet. I lodged in a wigwham—ten or a dozen men, women and children all together round a fire—lay upon branches of spruce, and covered with blankets—the fire in the middle of the wigwham—There is a hole at top which lets out the smoak—this a very large cabin—it would hold twenty people—it was hung round with fish, cut into shreds—they preserve their fish, their geese, and their game, in that manner without salt—they take the bones out, and cut the flesh very thin: then dry it in the smoak for their winter’s provision—The name of the chief is Aikon Aushabuc. Such were our boasted ancestors the Britons when Julius Caesar first landed upon our Island.

TUESDAY, November 10. About noon my guides came fresh painted, and we parted from Pookmoosh; and glad I was to get rid of a people who had such absolute power in their own hands, and bore such an enmity to the English. It was a fine day, and we coasted this afternoon thirty miles upon these inland salt lake. This country is so full of the finest possible conveniences for canoes, and it must blow a perfect storm to disturb them; and the water not above two or three feet deep—Came to a portage—lay upon a plain beach, upon the cold ground to-night; it snowed very much.

WEDNESDAY, November 11. This proved a very rainy boisterous day—a great storm at east—lay by all day—was very wet, and very uncomfortable—my bread all gone; and I had nothing to live upon, but some fish smoaked in the manner just mentioned—no salt—no liquor of any kind, but water. I durst not carry any strong liquor with me, for the Indians would not have stirred till they had drank all out; and they do things in their liquor they would not do when sober.

THURSDAY, November 12. The storm continued, which has drove all the game away—Killed two or three sea-gulls, these I broiled and eat without any sauce but a good appetite—We removed from off the beach over the lake.

FRIDAY, November 13. Blows as hard as ever, or rather more severe—could not stir out—very wet and cold, especially at nights.

SATURDAY, November 14. The storm does not abate. There came to us two canoes with six Indians in them—one a very surly fellow, was prompting my guides to mischief—continually talking against the English said they wanted the land from the Indians, and that I came to see how they might conveniently be attacked. I thought it best to put a good face upon the matter; not to seem afraid, or lose any of my importance. I told them, it was true my life was in their power; but if any accident happened to me, the English would destroy their whole tribe.

SUNDAY, November 15. The storm increases. The neck of land where we had lodged, that parts the land from the sea was overflowed, which raised the lake, and set our things a swimming. We removed further up into the woods. I have not had dry deaths since Tuesday night—Endeavoured to keep up the spirits of the Indians who, I found, were for returning to Pookmoosh the first opportunity; and as we were only five or six miles from a French settlement, wanted much to get out of the hands of the Indian—Promised them the whole wages to carry me to Merrimishi.

MONDAY, November 16. The storm was still violent; and what was worse, our provisions are expended, except the skin of one fish: nor had the Indians who came to us any-thing left. We might justly be said to “eat to live, and not live to eat;” yet a small piece of the fat o£ the fish, without any dressing, keeps me from being excessive hungry, which I attribute to my not using any salt so long; so had not anything to irritate the coats of my stomach— I perceive myself growing very sick.

TUESDAY, November 17. The storm still continues—have not seen sun, moon, or stars, this seven days—Took a resolution all of us to remove to an Indian camp, about six miles from hence, up the country; but such a road sure never was travelled before—mid-leg deep in water—sometimes crossed brooks up to the middle; some fallen trees and thick underwood made it as bad as possible. I was prodigiously fatigued, as were two of the Indians—we were four hours in getting there. Upon our arrival we found the Indians had deserted their wigwhams; but there was a good covered cabin. In another hut we found some fish and dried geese: Took two of the geese, and paid five shillings sterling to one of the savages, who said he knew the person they belonged to. I did this, that the savages might entertain a good opinion of their new allies the English. The savages took fish without ceremony, as their custom is to go into huts, and help themselves to anything they can find—to eat and drink, without saying one word:—Had a large fire, and expect to lie dry to-night, which I have not done these eight nights past.

WEDNESDAY, November 18. Last night proved a cold dry night—the weather moderate—went back the way we came to our canoe, where we had left our baggage—arrived there about twelve o’clock; and wet as I was, immediately embarked, and with a fair wind reached Merrimichi about six o’clock. I was obliged to be carried out of the canoe into a hut to warm and dry myself; for I had almost lost the use of my limbs with sitting steady in a bark canoe six hours, wet up to the middle.

THURSDAY, November 19. Lodged last night in a poor Frenchman’s hut—lay upon the floor all night by the fire—he had no bed but one in the same room and that his family lay in—rested very comfortably. About midnight a young man came to me from his father, with offers of service; his name is Brusar, but they generally called him Beausoleil; he brought me a bottle of rum and some flour—was extremely kind to me. In the morning the old man came himself—brought me pork, and other necessaries, he is the most considerable person here—had been a great purtizan—was one of the French neutrals who were removed to Carolina—made his escape by land to Mississippi, and travelled 1400 leagues to recover his native country. These people have been great enemies to the English; however I shall never forget the great obligations I owe to Brusar, for his present kindness to me. He told me of a vessel about three leagues from this place belonging to Nipisiquid, that had stopt during the late bad weather, and he was very certain she was not gone. This news was extremely agreeable to me. I sold Brusar several things—some muslin neck scarves, more of my shirts with gold lace, in order to pay the savages according to my promise. I had paid them the whole money, as though they had carried me to Fort Cumberland, although we are not above half way. The Frenchmen endeavored to prevent me from paying them so much—said they had extorted the promise from me in the late bad weather, for fear of them returning back to Pookmoosh: so it was prudent to encourage them at that time with the prospect of a large reward, which I had no occasion now to comply with, I considered, however, as the English had but very recently made a treaty with them, I would convince them they regarded their words: for the Indians never consider individuals; if any person does them an injury or favor, they charge the whole nation with it. This should be a standing caution to our Indian traders, to deal honestly with them, otherwise they may bring on a public calamity.

FRIDAY, November 20. Mr. Brusar procured me a large log canoe, with three men, to go in search of the vessel. This country is all low land—very full of islands and creeks, water carriage throughout; lurking places for Indians—Unless we can civilize them, they will retard the settlement of this part of the world greatly. The Frenchman where I lodged, and most of the village, set off this morning for Point Miscou, to hunt sea-cows for their oil which they make use of in winter instead of butter.—About noon proceeded with the Frenchmen in the log canoe, and in three hours reached a creek where we found four shallops, or skiffs, with several families—I believe they intend to winter here—they had the good luck to avoid the late bad weather. The chief of the Indians came to me—shewed his treaty with the Governor of Halifax, and said he would conduct me to Fort Cumberland. There had been a vessel wreck’d here in the late violent storm—what she is, don’t know at present—there is one man saved, who I intend to go see—My brig must have got further than this, if she went off the coast This river of Merrimichi runs up the country a great way—almost meets the river St. John, which falls into the bay of Fundy.

SATURDAY, November 21. Lodged very comfortably last-night with Amand Bugeaux, his family, and Nicholas Gautier—in the night the wind had been strong at N.W.—we removed to the south side of the creek; to two deserted houses; better than those on the north side—the Indians here are about fifty fighting men—they are the Merrimichi tribe of Micmacks.

SUNDAY, November 22. This being a calm day there came a skiff from the island where the vessel was wrecked. She proved to be the Hulton, Capt. Benjamin Hallaway, belonging to Mr. John Hill of Hull, but freighted from London to Quebec with twelve hundred barrels of flour, eighty puncheons of English brandy, twenty-three barrels of goods, and nineteen barrels of hardware. The brandy and a good deal of flour was going to Bryn and Brymer of Quebec. There were twelve hands on board—only one saved—he was the mate, a young man from Hull—his name James Pratchell. When we got on shore, he was taken care of by the French from Nipisiquid, who, fortunately for him, had stopped here.

MONDAY, November 23. Had a design of going to see the situation of the wreck, but the wind blows too hard.

TUESDAY, November 24. Intended to go to see the wreck today but was stopt by the Indians—they told me their chief would come to talk to me, and call a council—they have found a good deal of brandy for they are, all of them, continually drunk—I am afraid of mischief—They did not call a council to-day.

WEDNESDAY, November 25. Was got into a little schooner to go to the island, to see the situation of the wreck, when I was called back by the chief, and the other Indians. There was likewise the chief of the St. Johns Indians here—The vessel being cast away had collected the Indians from all quarters—they called a council—they told me they would endeavor to save all the effects they could out of the vessel, and make a fair declaration of what they saved—that the French should do the same. The chief likewise told me he would send four men to Fort Cumberland with me and the young man who was saved out of the vessel—I found some good effects from my behaviour to the Indians who brought me along; for they were here, and had told how honourably I had dealt with them—The name of the Indian chief here is Louis Francois, the name of the chief of St. John’s tribe is Louis Lamoureux—they had large silver medals of the French king, hanging to ribbons round their necks. In the afternoon, went with the French to the island where the wreck was—they had rolled about two hundred barrels of flour from off the beach, to a place of safety; and there were about one hundred more good upon the beach—I did not discover any brandy, or bales of goods but believe the French and Indiana had hid a large quantity—They brought off fifteen barrels of flour—got back about nine at night

THURSDAY, November, 26. Picked up yesterday bundles of English newspapers for twelve months past, with which I am highly entertained—find some of my acquaintance married, others dead—some fortunate, others bankrupts—it is great amusement for me, as my mind has fasted so long from any food of this kind.

FRIDAY, November 27. Continue still drying and examining the newspapers—the Indians have fixed our departure for to-morrow—The French are very much afraid of the Indians now they have strong liquor.

SATURDAY, November 28. This morning proved very stormy—the Indians do not go—In the afternoon I was ordered to a council in one of their wigwhams*—the council consisted of a dozen—they were all drunk, except the chief and another—they were a long time, before they would permit me to go—They would detain me till the frost sets in, and go by land, for fear of accidents—they said they were masters there; and if they had a mind to keep me three or four months, I must stay. I urged my necessity—pleaded hard for them to permit two of the Frenchmen to go with me, instead of Indians, as I could converse better with them: after long debating, they allowed me to set out in the morning with two Frenchmen.

* Three or four drunken Indians with loaded muskets came, and taking hold of both my arms, a third Indian staggered before me saying “La meme chose comme governour Halifax:” by which I must understand him to be as great a man as the governor of Halifax: When we arrived at the wigwham, the drunken governor of Halifax, pointing to the chief, said in English “All one, King George.”

SUNDAY, November 29. A great deal of snow had fallen in the night, and we did not set out—the day proved a mild thawing day—the Indians all met together to worship—they are rigid ceremonious Papists—great bigots—know little of the grounds of their religion; but it is pompous, and that is enough. To show their zeal, where the Frenchmen crossed themselves once, the Indians would do it twice; but their religious zeal at this time is pretty much heated with brandy—their priests must take a great deal of pains with them—they sing very well. The Canadians will have it in their power to play off the Indians at any time against our back settlements, by encouraging their religious bigotry; indeed it gains ground in Canada.

MONDAY, November 30. About ten o’clock we set out in a bark canoe, which I had bought of the savages—there were Nicholas Gautier, Joseph Rishar, and myself — The young man who was mate of the vessel, is not in a condition to travel—his legs and foot are very much swoln— he proposes to stay till the Indians will let some other Frenchmen go—I left him thirty-two pounds of beaver, and a beaver coat, to dispose of for a supply for him—We got about three leagues—the wind was pretty high, and very cold at northwest.

TUESDAY, December 1. Set out early this morning—the sea was pretty rough, but we were in hopes of its becoming more moderate—the wind was west-north-west —Came to a bay where we dined—I was very wet, with the sea washing into the canoe; for we now keep upon the main ocean—Crossed the bay, when I landed, and walked along the beach; for the canoe was too deep loaded—Had not gone above two miles, when I came to a rivulet—the canoe could not come ashore, the surf was so great—I was obliged to wade over—it took me up to the breast—Carried my beaver coat upon my head, and my memorandum book in my month—thought of Julius Caesar—When I got over, ran along the beach to keep myself warm—-Did not proceed above a mile till we found a convenient place for the canoe to land—here the Frenchmen came ashore—We were obliged to stay all night in a very low wet swamp—the wind north—brows very much.

WEDNESDAY December 2. Lay very uncomfortably last night—left our canoe, and went to look for a better lodging place—Walked six miles before we could find a wood, it is such low, marshy land—snows hard—wind north—found out at last a convenient place.

THURSDAY, December 3. Lay better last night than the night before, though I find the want of a blanket—a beaver coat is very well while it continues dry, but once wet, it is intolerable—This morning Rishar and Gautier went to the canoe to fetch supplies, and see how the surf was—returned in three hours with some bisket and pork, but it continues to snow worse than yesterday, with the wind strong at south-west—Abundance of broken claws of lobsters, with other shell-fish, were thrown upon the beach in the late stormy weather—the snow incommodes us in our tent very much—the wind has changed—it was with much persuasion I could get the Frenchmen to stay all day, to see what kind of weather it would be—their patience is wore put—they are determined to return.

FRIDAY, December 4. This morning the Frenchmen went for the canoe—it proved a calm morning—proceeded on our way—I walked upon the beach—When we came to a bay or a river, they took me into the canoe, and ferried me over—Came this day five leagues—we are now fifteen leagues from Merrimichi, at a river called by the Indians Chishibouwack, not above six feet deep—they say it runs a good way up the country—Still continues low good land, very improveable; this will certainly be the granary of North America, when it comes to be well peopled—There have been Indians here, but they are gone up the country—their wigwhams are still standing.

SATURDAY, December 5. The night proved very calm; but at six o’cloek in the morning the wind began to blow at north-east; soon after, it snowed, and continued so very violently all day—Left our canoe, and went up the creek about a mile; crossed a small river upon the ice to a deserted house of the French—we found the Indians had been here, but they were gone up the river a hunting—We found the head of a dog smoaked whole, the hair singed off, but the teeth and tongue standing:—The Indians, when they make a great feast, kill two or three dogs, which they hold as a high treat—at such times they have a grand dance.

SUNDAY, December 6. The Frenchmen tell me, that Captain M’Kenzie went from Nipisiquid in good time; for that the chief of the Nipisiquid Indians was gone up to Joseph Glaud, the chief of the Ristigouch Indians, to persuade him to come down with his Indians; and if Captain M’Kenzie had staid five days longer, no Frenchman would have been removed, for that the Indians would have engaged our troops. This story, however improbable. I understand had been propagated on board my brig—I had found something had frightened the Captain out of his senses, but did not understand what it was before—This morning pleasant, the wind had changed to the south, but the sea was too great to proceed—about ten o’clock, the wind came strong at south-west—blows a perfect hurricane; and what added to our distress when we went to pass to our canoe the way we had come, we found the ice was thawed, so that we could not pass the river—We went two miles np the river, but could not pass over—returned to our hut— Gautier killed an Indian dog, which was loitering about the hut, in case we could not get to our provision, that it might be a reserve—put the dried head of the dog in my pocket, in case of extremity—fasted all day—Could not help thinking of that line of Dr. Young “Poor pensioners on the bounties of an hour.”

MONDAY, December 7. This morning the Frenchmen tried to get over the ice, but it broke in with them—then they made a raft, and got over nearer the sea—About ten o’clock they came with the canoe; and as soon as I had eat, or rather devoured, a salt pork pasty, which the Frenchwomen had made me for my travelling store, we set off, and the day proved a very fine one—I walked all the way, unless when we came to rivers, deep bays, or rocks — Four leagues from where we set off, came to a river, called by the Indians Rishibucto—runs twenty leagues up the country—it is a pretty deep river—Went about two leagues further—here we encamped.

TUESDAY, December 8. The island of St. John appears here very plain—it is about four leagues from hence—a fine low island—the Frenchmen tell me it is near fifty leagues long, and fifteen broad—Six leagues from where we lodged we came to a river called Bucktough—a league further, another large river, called Cockyne—We travelled ten leagues to-day—the country continues flat—trees are chiefly pine, red oak, birch, beech—this last wood burns exceeding well

WEDNESDAY, December 9. This proved a fine morning—When we had got two leagues, came to a large river, called Chedaick—a large bay and an island make two entrances—This is the last large river we have to cross—we found it full of loose ice, which made it exceedingly difficult to get over. There were two rivers of smaller note, which I could not learn the names of. A sea-cow lifted its head out of the water, and came swimming after the canoe—the Frenchmen soon shot it—it had 2 large teeth out of water in the upper jaw pointing downwards—these serve for defence, to climb rocks with, &c.—full grown sea-cow will make two barrels of oil in autumn, when they are fattest—they are easily killed with a ball—very unwieldy—much like Anson’s sea-lions—I believe of the same species—this was larger than an ox—The French use the oil of these creatures to their meat—it is to me as rank as seal oil—The most noted places for their present resort, are the islands of Magdelines, and Point Miscou; but the sea-cows wild fowl, Indians, and beaver, will leave us as we settle in the country, and go to places less frequented—Came this day about nine leagues—I walked all the way, excepting crossing the rivers, &c.

THURSDAY, December 10. Last night frosty—the moon shone very bright when we went to sleep; but when we awoke this morning, it was a violent storm at east—Staid in the cabin all day.

FRIDAY, December 11. This mornings though the wind was pretty high, set off in our canoe—passed one small river that runs to the southward—about four leagues from the place we lodged, came to another small river—here we left our canoe, and set out with our baggage to cross the country— they call it ten miles to Bay Verte by land—Going up the river, the ice broke in with the two Frenchmen—they had been obliged to leave their keg of brandy, and had hugged it so close at parting, that they were a little light-headed—Returned back to our canoe in order to lodge there all night.

SATURDAY, December 12. Set out this morning before day—went up a creek about a mile, and then took to the woods—There had fallen about a foot deep of snow, and it was froze over at top, so as to make it bear sometimes, and break in at others, with a prodigious number of fallen trees and brooks to cross, with broken wood and thick underbrush, made it almost impassable; these, with about twenty weight of baggage and a heavy beaver coat I had to carry, made it too much for me—the Frenchmen were much heavier loaded— Sometimes we were obliged to creep on our hands and knees, under fallen trees, to climb over others; branches and stumps running into my legs and face, made it bad beyond description.— thought I was very unfit to travel; to creep, my temper will not allow me, and to climb does not seem my talent, but to walk upright is my great desire; yet with that method, here, as in the great wood of worldly affairs, you cannot get forward—if you would advance, you must sometimes stoop, sometimes ambitiously climb, sometimes dirty yourself in nasty ways: but at all events, drive thro’ thick and thin. Thus moralizing, and stumbling on, push’d forward, with hopes of soon getting out of my difficulties; very often falling and sometimes fainting, I arrived at Bay Verte, about an hour after sun-set, almost fatigued to death— it would not have been possible for me to have gone half-a-mile farther—Found here some of the French vessels which Captain M’Kenzie had brought off with him, and a party of Highlanders, under a Serjeant’s command. The fort here is destroyed, and the inhabitants removed—there has been a very pretty village here— the French had a communication from this place with the island St. John, Louisbourg, &c.—Lay all night in the block-house, or rather guard-house the English are building.

SUNDAY, December 13. Was very thankful to the almighty Disposer of events, for leading me to a place of safety, and giving me strength and resolution to undergo the different trials I have been exercised with for these six weeks passed—set out to go to Fort Cumberland, called by the French Chignecto—this isthmus is fifteen miles across—pretty good road—Got a soldier to carry my baggage—reached it about sun-set—Fort Cumberland is situated at the top of the bay of Fundy, to the westward—there are two companies of soldiers here; one of Highlanders, another of Rangers—Captain M’Kenzie, of the Highlanders, is gone to Halifax—the commanding officer of the Rangers is Captain Danks. To my great disappointment a vessel had sailed for Boston about a week before, and the bay is now frozen np, which will occasion my stay here some time—So far the journal.

Here ends the first part of Smethnrst’s book. The second part is of much less interest, particularly to New Brunswick readers…. [W.F. Ganong]

Written by johnwood1946

April 27, 2016 at 9:15 AM

Posted in Uncategorized

Changes Nova Scotia Underwent from Discovery to 1758 When the First General Assembly met at Halifax

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From the blog at http://JohnWood1946.wordpress.com

The article below is from a very old history of Nova Scotia written in 1823 by Thomas Haliburton, and entitled A General Description of Nova Scotia. This excerpt describes the province’s political history up to 1758, and begins with a sentence that appeals to me: “No Part of the British American Settlements, has occasioned so many contests, or has been so often granted and purchased, conquered and ceded as Nova Scotia.”

My only problem with the history is Haliburton’s description of the expulsion of the Acadians. He first appears to justify the event, and then offers regrets for it. This sort of hand-wringing was common, even among people who were writing at an earlier date and were involved in the expulsion.

Charles Lawrence

Charles Lawrence,

First Governor of Nova Scotia, between 1758 and 1761. From Wikipedia

Changes Nova Scotia Underwent from Discovery to 1758 When the First General Assembly met at Halifax

No Part of the British American Settlements, has occasioned so many contests, or has been so often granted and purchased, conquered and ceded as Nova Scotia. It has been several times alternately possessed by the French and English; the former claiming it by priority of possession, the latter by discovery. It was originally regarded by the English as part of Cabot’s discovery of Terra Nova; and was afterwards comprehended within the boundary of a large portion of America called North Virginia. The first settlement of the French in Acadia was made at a very early period, being four years before the smallest hut was erected in Canada. In 1603, Monsieur De Monts was ordered by Henry the fourth of France to explore the country and select a suitable place for settlement. De Monts, after having met with many disasters incident to a Navigation, where there were no charts to direct, and where the shoals, banks and harbours were totally unknown, completed his examination of the eastern, southern, and western coasts. Instead of fixing towards the east of the peninsula, where the emigrants would have had larger seas, and easy navigation, and an excellent cod fishery, he chose a small bay, afterwards called the French Bay, which had none of these advantages. It has been said, that he was induced by the beauty of Port Royal, where a thousand ships may ride in safety from every wind, where there is an excellent bottom, at all times four or five fathom of water, and eighteen at the entrance. It is most probable that he was led to choose this situation, from its vicinity to the countries abounding in furs. This conjecture is confirmed by the following circumstance; that the first monopolisers took the utmost pains to divert the attention of their countrymen, whom restlessness or necessity brought into these regions, from clearing the woods, breeding cattle, fishing, and from every kind of culture, choosing rather to engage the industry of these adventurers, in hunting or in trading with the savages. Port Royal therefore, since called Annapolis, soon became the Capital of all the French settlements in the Province. In these voyages of discovery, the object pursued by the Sovereign was dominion, but gain stimulated the subjects. As compensation for this hazardous enterprise, and important service, the King of France made a grant to De Monts, of all the country from the 40th to the 46th degree of northern latitude. This Territory had the general appellation of New France, or Acadia, and is the same which was afterwards called Nova Scotia, comprehending the present Province of that name, New Brunswick, and Cape Breton. The French however were prevented by the English settlers from crossing the Kenebec River. Thus by the extreme points of national strength and exertion, a boundary seemed to be settled, not as the line of peace and concord, but as the place of future controversies. All the lands from the river Kenebec to the Narragansett country, being granted to the company called the Council for the affairs of New England, and being reduced to possession under the grants of that company, assumed the name of New England by common consent. It is singular that the offspring of these two rival nations, no longer acknowledged their former patrons. New France belongs to Great Britain and New England is an independent state. The French have preserved in their records a great variety of incidents, which took place while they were in the progress of discovering and settling Acadia. A minute detail of all these events, so similar to the early history of most of the American Colonies, would not be interesting to every reader, and from the circumstantial detail, with which they are related, would far exceed the limits of this chapter, which is designed, rather as a sketch of the political changes of the country, than a history of its settlement. In 1618, Sir Samuel Argall, then Governor of Virginia, made a cruising voyage along the coast, as far north as Cape Cod. There he was informed of De Monts’ Fort at Port Royal, in the south-west part of Acadia, which he soon afterwards conquered and destroyed. About this period. Sir Ferdinand Gorges, President of the New England Company, recommended to Sir William Alexander, to procure from the English Government a particular grant of New France, or of a portion of that country to the northward of their Patent. Sir William, accordingly applied, and obtained it of King James the first in 1621, and named the territory contained in his grant Nova Scotia. The next year he sent a ship with passengers to settle there, but it being late in the autumn, they were compelled to winter in Newfoundland, and to wait until the next season, before they could get away. As soon as the weather permitted they set sail, and landed in what they afterwards called Luke’s Bay. Owing to various misfortunes and difficulties, this attempt to colonize the country proved abortive. Sir William Alexander, but little affected by the disasters attending this expectation, published a very flattering description of the country, on his return to Europe, and placed it in so favourable a view, that his Sovereign created a new order, called the Knights of Nova Scotia, to facilitate its plantation. He attempted to make another settlement in 1630, but out of seventy Scotchmen whom he had sent to Port Royal, thirty died during the following winter, for want of accommodation. There was afterwards another grant made of the northern part of this country to Sir David Kirk, which was purchased by the king of France for the sum of £5000. Sir William, sometime afterwards, sold his property to Claude De La Tour, a French Nobleman. By the treaty of St. Germains in 1632, Acadia was relinquished by the English, and La Tour became dependent on the French government. Wishing to strengthen his title, La Tour obtained a grant from the king of France, of the bay and river St. Croix, the islands and lands adjacent, twelve leagues upon the sea, and twenty leagues into the land: also a grant of the Isle of Sables; another of ten leagues upon the sea, and| ten into the land, at La Have; another at Port Royal of the same extent; and one at Menis; with all the adjacent islands included in each grant.

The French being now in possession, by purchase and treaty, re-established their former settlements with great activity, and sent out a considerable number of emigrants with very ample equipments. A strong fort was erected at La Have, and the fortifications at Port Royal were enlarged and rebuilt. A person by the name of Daunley, having obtained a very extensive grant of Acadia from the French government, and a commission of commander in chief over the country, set sail from France with a great force, and a large amount of property, in merchandise, suitable for the trade with the Indians. Daunley had scarcely arrived there, when La Tour, considering him an intruder upon his possessions, declared war against him. Various were the battles and skirmishes between these two petty territorial lords, and various the success. La Tour generally proved the weaker, and was finally routed, his fort destroyed, and all his property to the amount of £10,000 carried off by his successor rival. Daunley died soon after his victory, and La Tour married his widow, and thereby became reinvested with the possession and title of Nova Scotia.

Oliver Cromwell in 1654, sent a force under the command of a Major Sedjeworth to dislodge the French from Port Royal, which he effected, and took possession of the whole country for the British government. After this conquest, Charles De St. Estina or Estienne, son and heir to Claude De La Tour, went to England, and on making out his title to Nova Scotia, under Sir William Alexander, then Earl of Stirling, Cromwell allowed his claim. On the twentieth of September 1656, St. Estina sold and conveyed his property in the said country to Sir Thomas Temple and William Browne, who divided their purchase by deed of partition. Sir Thomas afterwards, in the year 1662, obtained a patent for it from the crown, not only for the territory, but for the government thereof, during his natural life, and the sole monopoly of the fishery and trade with the Indians. He did not however long continue to enjoy his property and privileges, for by the treaty of Breda in 1667, this country was again ceded to the French, and in 1670 the possession was delivered to them by Sir Thomas pursuant to the said treaty, and in obedience to the express orders of the Earl of Arlington, then secretary of state. The sum of £16,200 was stipulated to be paid him, in recompense for his disbursements in building forts, maintaining garrisons, and for debts due him from the natives, but this amount was never paid to him by the court of France. In 1690, on the 28th of April, Sir William Phipps, by order of the Massachusetts government, fitted out an expedition for the reduction of this country, which he effected without much loss, and having appointed a Governor he returned to New England, on the 30th of May following. The English remained masters of Acadia till 1697, when, by the treaty, of Ryswick, it was once more restored to the French. By this treaty the French and English attempted to establish the boundary line between New England and Acadia. The eastern boundary of the British dominions was fixed at the river St. Croix, but still it remained a question which of two rivers this was. The French contended that the river now lying on the east side of the settlement of St. Andrews, called Makagadawick, was the boundary; but the English contended for a large and respectable stream, twenty league east of that, which is now called the St. John. The truth was that when the French landed on the west bank of what is now the Bay of Fundy, they erected a cross on the land, and gave the whole country the name of the Holy Cross. The rivers had no name at that time, but such as were expressed in the Indian language, and therefore among the Europeans, they took the general name of the country and were all called St. Croix. This subject has since proved a fruitful source of dissention. In 1710, Nava Scotia was again reconquered by the forces of Her Britannic Majesty Queen Anne, sent from New England under the command of General Nicholson, and by the treaty of Utrecht in 1712, it was finally ceded and secured to Great Britain, and it has for ever since continued in her possession. By that event, the court of Versailles is forever deprived of a colony, of which it had never known the value. The Acadians, who in submitting to a new yoke, had sworn never to bear arms against their former standards, were called the French neutrals. There were twelve or thirteen hundred of them settled in the capital, the rest were dispersed in the neighbour country. No magistrate was ever set over them, and they were never acquainted with the laws of England. No rents or taxes of any kind were exacted from them. Their former sovereign had relinquished and forgot them, and their new one was a total stranger to them. From this period, Annapolis continued to be the capital of the country until 1749, when the seat of government was removed to Halifax. At this time Great Britain perceived of what consequence the possession of Acadia might be to her commerce. The peace, which necessarily left a great number of men without employment, furnished opportunity, by the disbanding of the troops, for peopling and cultivating the vast and fertile territory. The British ministry offered particular advantages to all who would go over and settle there. They engaged to advance, or reimburse the expenses of passage, to build houses, to furnish all the necessary instruments for fishing or agriculture, and to defray the expenses of subsistence for the first year. They also offered grants of land, the quantity of which was apportioned, according to the rank or family of the emigrant. These encouragements determined 3,750 persons, in the month of May 1749, to emigrate to Nova Scotia. The new colony was intended to form an establishment to the south-east of Nova Scotia, in a place which the Indians had formerly called Chebucto, but the English Halifax. This situation was preferred to several others, where the soil was better, for the sake of establishing in its neighbourhood an excellent cod fishery, and fortifying one of the best harbours in America. But as it was the spot most favourable for the chase, the English were obliged to dispute the possession with the Mickmac [sic] Indians, who mostly frequented it. These savages, instigated, as was supposed, by the French neutrals, defended with obstinacy the territory they held from nature, and it was not until after very great losses, that the English drove them out of their former hunting grounds. Halifax will always continue to be the principal place of the Province, an advantage it owes to the encouragement lavished upon it by the mother country. The sum expended upon, this settlement for several years amounted to more than £3937 10 0 per annum. Such favours were not ill bestowed upon a place, which from its situation, is the natural rendezvous of both the land and sea forces, which Great Britain is obliged to maintain there, as well for the defence of her fisheries, and the protection of the West India Islands, and for the purpose of supporting her connections with the Canadas. About this time, considerable agitation was discovered among the neutral French, the hostility of the Indians continued unabashed, and repeated outrages were committed by their joint exertions upon the English settlers. The French, whose manners were so simple, and who enjoyed such liberty, entertained serious apprehensions, that their independence would be materially affected or abridged, by the introduction of these new colonists. To this alarm they added the fear of having their religion endangered. Their Priests, either heated by their own enthusiasm, or secretly instigated by the Governors of Canada, persuaded them to credit everything they chose to suggest against the English, whom they called heretics. This word, which has so powerful an influence on deluded minds, impelled some to secret acts of violence, and determined others to quit their habitations, and remove to Canada, where they were offered lands. The constant state of irritation in which they kept the Indians, and the extreme aversion which they manifested to the English, induced the British government to adopt the severe resolution of sending them out of the country under the pretext of exacting a renewal of the oath, which they had taken at the time of their becoming British subjects, they assembled a number of  them together at different posts, and when they had secured them, immediately embarked them on board of ships, which conveyed them to Mississippi and Louisiana. Transporting them like convicts to a distant clime was perhaps unnecessary, and certainly injurious to these unfortunate people. Had more conciliatory measures been used, a large, industrious and useful population might have been saved to the country. In 1784, the territory was divided into three governments, and all that country to the north-west of fort Cumberland was created a distinct province, and called New Brunswick. Cape Breton was also made a separate government.

Following is a list of the Governors of Nova Scotia since 1758, at which time the first General Assembly of the Province met at Halifax: 1758 Charles Lawrence, Esquire, Governor, and Robt. Monkton, Lieutenant Governor; 1761 Jonathan Belcher; 1763 Montague Wilmott; 1766 Benjamin Green, Administrator; 1766 Michael Francklin; 1767 Lord William Campbell; 1767 Michael Francklin, (absente Campbell); 1769 Lord Wm. Campbell; 1772 Michael Francklin, (absente Campbell); 1773 Francis Legge, Esquire; 1776 Marriot Arbuthnot; 1779 Sir Richard Hughes; 1781 Sir Andrew Hammond; 1784 John Parr; 1792 Sir John Wentworth; 1808 Sir Geo. Provost; 1812 Sir John C. Sherbrooke; 1817 The Right Hon. Geo. Earl of Dalhousie; 1820 Sir James Kempt.

Written by johnwood1946

April 20, 2016 at 8:58 AM

Posted in Uncategorized

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